Choudhary Rahmat Ali
Date of birth:16th of November 1897
Place of birth: Balachaur, Nawanshahr District,British India Place of death: Cambridge, England,United Kingdom Movement: Pakistan Movement Major organizations: Pakistan Muslim League Chaudhary Rahmat Ali (November 16, 1897 - February 3, 1951) was an Indian Muslim nationalist who was one of the earliest proponents of the creation of the state of Pakistan. He is credited with creating the name "Pakistan" for a separate Muslim homeland on the Indian subcontinent.
Education and careerRehmat Ali was born in the town of Balachaur in Hoshiarpur District of Punjab (now Nawanshahr District). After graduating from Islamia Madrassa Lahore in 1918, he taught at Aitchison College Lahore before continuing Law studies at Punjab University. In 1930 he moved to England to join Emmanuel College, Cambridge in 1931. In 1933, he published a pamphlet, Now or Never, coining the word Pakistan for the first time. Subsequently, he obtained a BA degree in 1933 and MA in 1940 from University of Cambridge. In 1943, he was called to the Bar, Middle Temple Inn, London. Until 1947 he continued publishing various booklets about his vision of the subcontinent. The partition process disillusioned him due to the mass killings and mass migrations. He was also dissatisfied with the distribution of areas among the two countries and considered it a major reason for disturbances. He died on 3 February 1951 and was buried on 20 February at Newmarket Road Cemetery, Cambridge, UK.
Conception of 'Pakistan'There are several accounts to the conceptualising of the name. According to a friend (Abdul Kareem Jabbar) the name came up when Rehmat Ali was walking along the banks of the Thames in 1932 with his friends Pir Ahsan-ud-Din and Khawja Abdul Rahim. According to Rehmat Ali's secretary Miss Frost, he came up with the idea of the name ‘Pakistan’ while riding on the top of a London bus.
The front page of Now or Never pamphletIn the early 1930s, Ali began writing about the formation of a Muslim nation in India. On January 28, 1933, he voiced his ideas in the pamphlet entitled "Now or Never; Are We to Live or Perish Forever?". The word 'Pakstan' referred to "the five Northern units of India, Viz: Punjab, (Afghanistan Province), Kashmir, Sind, Baluchistan and one North East unit of India Viz: Bengal ". By the end of 1933, 'Pakistan' become common vocabulary where an i was added to ease pronouncement (as in Afghan-i-stan). In a subsequent book Rehmat Ali discussed the etymology in further detail.
'Pakistan' is both a Persian and an Urdu word. It is composed of letters taken from the names of all our Indian Sub-continent homelands; that is, Panjab, Afghanistan (Pashtunistan), Kashmir, Sindh (including Kach and Kathiawar), Tukharistan, Afghanistan, and Balochistan. It means the land of the Paks- the spiritually pure and clean. It symbolizes the religious beliefs and ethnical stocks of our people; and it stands for all the territorial constituents of our original Fatherland. It has no other origin and no other meaning; and it does not admit of any other interpretation. Those writers who have tried to interpret it in more than way have done so either through the love of casuistry, or through ignorance of its inspiration, origin and composition.
Philosophy Headstone of Ali's GraveLike Allama Iqbal, Ali believed that the Muslims of India had to undergo a reformation politically in order to remain a viable, and independent community there. Ali noted that the Islamic prophet Muhammad had succeeded in uniting fractured Arab tribes and that this example was to again be used by Muslims of India to pool together in order to survive in what he perceived to be an increasingly hostile India.
As such, Chaudhary Rahmat Ali's writings, in addition to those of Iqbal and others were major catalysts for the formation of Pakistan. He oferred "Bang-i-Islam" for a Muslim homeland in the Bengal, and "Usmanistan" for a Muslim homeland in the Deccan. He also suggested "Dinia" as a name for a subcontinent for various religions.
Ali dedicated a lot of time and energy to the idea of Pakistan, and after its formation in 1947, he argued on its behalf at the United Nations over the issue of Kashmir.
Post-independenceWhile Chaudhary Rahmat Ali was a leading figure for the conception of Pakistan, he lived most of his adult life in England. The Cambridge-based pamphleteer had been voicing his dissatisfaction with the creation of Pakistan ever since his arrival in Lahore on April 6 1948. He was unhappy over a Smaller Pakistan than the one he had conceived in his 1933 pamphlet Now Or Never.
Consequently, Rahmat Ali died in 1951, buried in Cambridge City graveyard.
Chaudhary Rahmat AliThe man who conceived the idea of Pakistan
I became interested in the life of Chaudhary Rahmat Ali when I got married to my wife Rizwana, who comes from Pakistan, and found that he had been a member of the same Emmanuel College, Cambridge, where I had been undergraduate, research student, and finally, research fellow. Rahmat Ali conceived the name, Pakistan while on top of a London bus. The name means the land of the Paks. The word Pak stands for all that is noble and sacred in the life of a Muslim. At the same time, it is composed from letters taken from the names of its components: Punjab, North West Frontier of which the inhabitants are mainly Afghan, Kashmir, Sindh and Baluchistan. I discovered not only his contribution to the birth of a nation, but also the contribution made by two Cambridge women, one, Miss Watson, who was his landlady, and the other, Miss Frost, who was his secretary. They were both very old ladies when I managed to interview them, but they remembered him vividly and gave a unique insight on what the great man was really like.
One of Chaudhary Rahmat's Ali's pamphlets: INDIA The Continent of DINIA or The Country of DOOM
Obituary of Chaudhary Rahmat Ali published in the Emmanuel College magazine
From his early years Chaudhry ~mat Ali was convinced that the destiny of the Indian Muslims lay in carving out a separate independent homeland of their own in North-Western India and he relentlessly pursued this goal throughout his life.
The credit for coining the word "PAKISTAN' (meaning Land of the Pure) goes to him when he first used it in his pamphlet titled "Now or Never" published on January 28, 1933. Each alphabet in the word "Pakistan" stood symbolically for the territories that were later to constitute Pakistan i.e. 'P' for Punjab, ' A' for Afghania (i.e. the NWFP), 'K' for Kashmir, 's.' for Sindh, and 'TAN' for Baluchistan. This name soon caught the imagination of the multitudes and even the foreign newspapers began to call the proposed country by this name.
Chaudhry Rahmat Ali launched the Pakistan National Movement by issuing and distributing pamphlets, tracts, handbills and other literature. A weekly newspaper under the title 'Pakistan' was also started.
Chaudhry Rahmat Ali came to Pakistan on a short visit and then went back to Cambridge (England) where he died on February 3, 1951. He joined the University in 1931, studied
at Emmanuel, settled down to live in the town, wrote all his works
and published them here, fell ill and entered a hospital on the
outskirts of the town, died there in 1951, and is buried in the
town cemetery. He was the first to argue the two-nation theory in
an irrefutable syllogism, to demand a sovereign Muslim state in
South Asia and establish a movement to realize the ideal, to invent
a name for this country which was still in the womb of time, and to
spend all his life, resources and courage in fighting for the
interests of Indian Muslims. When in 1947 the Muslims broke from
their Indian bonds they fully vindicated Rahmat Ali's faith in
their separate destiny. The creation of Pakistan was a tribute as
much to his imagination and foresight as to the labours of the All
India Muslim League...
Endowed with a diamond-hard sense of purpose, Rahmat Ali pursued
his objectives to the total exclusion of all distractions.
Possessed of a mind as lucid as sunlight, he expounded his message
in words as clear as ringing bells. He put forward before his people
an ideal which he believed to be the truth and lit many lanterns on
the way to that truth. With the self-denial and simplicity of the
ancient Sufi he surrendered everything he had for the realization
of his goal. He has many claims on the memory of later ages.HEROES: RAHMAT FOR THE PEOPLE Professor K.K. Aziz, author of Rahmat Ali: A Biography, began by chronologically going through the life of Rahmat Ali "because the dates given by most people are wrong", discussed his contribution to the Pakistan movement, remarked on his individuality, and concluded by making some suggestions. Rahmat Ali was born on 16 November 1897 in Hoshiarpur, now Eastern Punjab to an ordinary village family. He went to a college in Jullunder and was at Islamia College, Lahore between 1915 and 1918 where he got his BA. He was Tutor at Aitchison College, Lahore from 1918 to 1923. Between 1923 and 1930 he was Legal Advisor to the Nawab of Mazari. He won a case for the Nawab and was rewarded handsomely. He used that money to fulfil his dream of education at Cambridge University, which only the well off and well connected 'Indians' could aspire to in those days. He arrived in England in November 1930 and joined Emmanuel College, Cambridge in January 1931, completing his BA degree in April 1933 (MA Oct 1940). On 28 January 1933 he issued his pamphlet Now or Never demanding Pakistan. From henceforth he dedicated his life to Pakistan. In 1940 he returned to the Sub-continent, landing in Karachi and aiming to go to Lahore, but the British did not allow him to travel to Punjab Province (this is when the Lahore Session of the All-India Muslim League was about to take place and Rahmat Ali wanted to influence the Lahore Resolution). He was 'deported' and he returned to England. In January 1943 he was called to the Bar (Middle Temple, London). After the creation of Pakistan he returned back to his homeland in April 1948, planning to stay for good, but he was ordered out of his country, with his belongings confiscated, and he left empty-handed for England in October 1948. He died on 3 February 1951 in Cambridge -- a lonely man in a state of poverty, and with no one to take responsibility for his burial, Emmanuel College's Master, who had been Rahmat Ali's Tutor, himself arranged the burial in Cambridge on 20 February 1951. (Being in Cambridge, I'm fortunate that I've had many a occasion to visit the grave for fatiha prayer, and I can tell you that it is a sight which brings tears to the eyes.) Rahmat Ali was a prophetic and a tragic figure in the history of the Sub-continent. His worth was not recognised in his life, he was not recognised when he died, and he has not been recognised after all these years. It may be noted that from 1933, when he first proposed Pakistan, right up to his death in 1951, he consistently and continuously did nothing but campaign for his Pakistan demand against all odds, for example initial opposition from the All-India Muslim League and later their enmity. Still, he succeeded in creating a large public opinion in favour of Pakistan and the proof is that between 1935 and early 1939 about 300 articles appeared in the Punjab/Urdu press supporting Pakistan. Professor Aziz asserted that Rahmat Ali moulded the opinion of the Muslims and forced the Muslim League to follow suit when it hadn't even begun to consider the idea of Pakistan. Although the idea of the Two Nation Theory (TNT) was not new as such, nobody had put it forward so precisely as Rahmat Ali had. His is the earliest and finest elaboration of the case that Muslims are a distinct and separate nation, and, therefore, deserved a separate home. Earlier historic mentions of the TNT were vague and brief references only. It was Rahmat Ali who argued and defined the ideal of Pakistan on the philosophical concept of the TNT. Some of his ideas, such as, demand for numerous small Muslim states in India may have been impracticable, but they highlighted his burning desire to save every Muslim from Hindu domination. Much of his post-1947 efforts were for the Muslim minority in India and he took up the matter at the level of the UN. He was also concerned about other, non-Muslim minorities in the region. Rahmat Ali's efforts knew no bounds. Professor Aziz stated that he did not know of any other leader in the history of the Sub-continent Muslims who was committed to a particular cause so consistently and who was almost 'mad' in the pursuit of his goals. He spent a life in exile, with the latter years in agony, but he was not acknowledged by the people or by the party that created Pakistan, the Muslim League. In spite of the frustrations and disappointments, he was not bitter towards his beloved Pakistan and the heartache did not diminish his ideal and his spirit of self-sacrifice. His power of endeavour was truly immense and he was entirely committed to Pakistan. When asked why he did not marry, he replied that he was married to the cause of Pakistan. All who knew him, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, agreed that he was a perfect gentleman who did not lie or break promises. How is it, then, that a person of such heroic proportions is not acknowledged. History textbooks mention that he "coined" or "invented" the name of Pakistan, but fail to provide further accurate information on his life and his ideas. The Muslim League, the founding party of Pakistan, borrowed his idea but did not acknowledge his contribution and influence. Professor Aziz related that when his biography on Rahmat Ali was published there was a lack of adequate response from scholars ("a species extinct in Pakistan") book reviewers, the media, concerned officials and the public at large. What is more is that no British university has seemed fit that a student writes a dissertation on Rahmat Ali. After all, Rahmat Ali's writings are in English and he lived, and is buried, in this country. The silence is, therefore, on all sides. The Professor made some suggestions as to what needs to be done. He would like to see wider circulation of material of and on Rahmat Ali, that he would be happy to see his biography reprinted here along with The Complete Works of Rahmat Ali. The Pakistanis in Britain should approach the authorities in Cambridge to put up a plaque at 3 Humberstone Road with an inscription saying something like "Pakistan was born here. The word Pakistan was invented here on 28 January 1933 by Choudhary Rahmat Ali, student of Emmanuel College". Plaques should be put up at all the Cambridge addresses where Rahmat Ali lived, mainly 16 Montague Road. The tombstone at Rahmat Ali's grave in Newmarket Road Cemetery, Cambridge needs to be changed because it is "false history carved in stone" -- the date of death is given wrongly, Feb 12, 1951 instead of the actual date Feb 3, 1951. (I may add that an additional stone with the correct date was placed two years ago.) 16 Montague Road should be purchased and turned into a Rahmat Ali Museum to house everything of, and on, Rahmat Ali. Also, funds should be raised for a Scholarship or Fellowship to objectively work on Rahmat Ali. Professor Aziz concluded that he was saddened by the treatment meted out to Rahmat Ali and hoped that such things would not happen again. It was irrational and difficult to explain. His final words were that a nation which forgets its heroes forgets to produce heroes. PAKISTAN DECLARATION, 1933
Full text of Rahmat Ali's Pakistan Declaration (Now or Never). Rahmat Ali issued this document on January 28, 1933 from his student address in Cambridge. This Declaration comprised the first part of his Pak Plan, and only dealt with the area of Pakistan. NOW OR NEVER: ARE WE TO LIVE OR PERISH FOR EVER?
Document is headed by Arabic script from the Qur'an, 13:11: "Verily, Allah does not change the condition of a people unless they change their inner selves".
At this solemn hour in the history of India, when British and Indian statesmen are laying the foundations of a Federal Constitution for that land, we address this appeal to you, in the name of our common heritage, on behalf of our thirty million Muslim brethren who live in PAKSTAN - by which we mean the five Northern units of India, Viz: Punjab, North-West Frontier Province (Afghan Province), Kashmir, Sind and Baluchistan - for your sympathy and support in our grim and fateful struggle against political crucifixion and complete annihilation.
Our brave but voiceless nation is being sacrificed on the altar of Hindu Nationalism not only by the non-Muslims, but to the lasting disgrace of Islam, by our own so-called leaders, with reckless disregard to our guture and in utter contempt of the teachings of history. The Indian Muslim Delegation at the Round Table Conference have committed an inexcusable and prodigious blunder. They have submitted, in the name of Hindu Nationalism, to the perpetual subjection of the ill-starred Muslim nation. These leaders have already agreed, without any protest or demur and without any reservation, to a Constitution based on the principle of an All-India Federation. This, in essence, amounts to nothing less than signing the death-warrant of Islam and its future in India. In doing so, they have taken shelter behind the so-called Mandate from the community.
But they forgot that that suicial Mandate was framed and formulated by their own hands. That Mandate was not the Mandate of the Muslims of India. Nations never give Mandates to their representatives to barter away their very souls; and men of conscience never accept such self-anhilating Mandates, if given - much less execute them. At a time of crisis of this magnitude, the foremost duty of saving statemanship is to give a fair, firm and fearless lead, which, alas, has been persistently denied to eighty millions of our co-religionists in India by our leaders during the last seventy-five years. These have been the years of false issues, of lost opportunities and of utter blindness to the most essential and urgent needs of the Muslim interests. Their policy has throughout been nerveless in action and subservient in attitude. They have all along been paralysed with fear and doubt, and have deliberately, time and again, sacrificed their political principles for the sake of opportunism and expediency. To do so even at this momentous juncture of Bedlam. It is idle for us not to look this tragic truth in the face. The tighter we shut our eyes, the harder the truth will hit us.
At this critical moment, when this tragedy is being enacted, permit us to appeal to you for your practical sympathy and active support for the demand of a separate Federation - a matter of life and death for the Muslims of India - as outlined and explained below.
India, constituted as it is at the present moment, is not the name of one single country; nor the home of one single nation. It is, in fact, the designation of a State created for the first time in history, by the British. It includes peoples who have never previously formed part of India at any period in its history; but who have, on the other hand, from the dawn of history till the advent of the British, possessed and retained distinct nationalities of their own.
In the five Northern Provinces of India, out of a total population of about forty millions, we, the Muslims, contribute about 30 millions. Our religion, culture, history, tradition, economic system, laws of inheritance, succession and marriage are basically and fundamentally different from those of the people living in the rest of India. The ideals which move our thirty million brethren-in-fath living in these provinces to make the highest sacrifices are fundamentally different from those which inspire the Hindus. These differences are not confined to the broad basic principles - far from it. They extend to the minutest details of our lives. We do not inter-dine; we do not inter-marry. Our national customs, calendars, even our diet and dress are different.
It is preposterous to compare, as some superficial observers do, the differences between Muslims and Hindus with those between Roman Catholics and Protestants. Both the Catholics and Protestants are part and parcel of one religious system - Christianity; while the Hindus and Muslims are the followers of two essentially and fundamentally different religious systems. Religion in the case of Muslims and Hindus is not a matter of private opinion as it is in the case of Christians; but on the other hand constitutes a Civic Church which lays down a code of conduct to be observed by their adherents from birth to death.
If we, the Muslims of Pakstan, with our distinct marks of nationality, are deluded into the proposed Indian Federation by friends or foes, we are reduced to a minority of one to four. It is this which sounds the death-knell of the Muslim nation in India for ever. To realise the full magnitude of this impending catastrophe, let us remind you that we thirty millions constitute about one-tenth of whole Muslim world. The total area of the five units comprising PAKSTAN, which are our homelands, is four times that of Italy, three times that of Germany and twice that of France; and our population seven times that of the Commonwealth of Australia, four times that of the Dominion of Canada, twice that of Spain, and equal to France and Italy considered individually.
These are facts - hard facts and realities - which we challenge anybody to contradict. It is on the basis of these facts that we make bold to assert without the least fear of contradiction that we, Muslims of PAKSTAN, do possess a separate and distinct nationality from the rest of India, where the Hindu nation lives and has every right to live. We, therefore, deserve and must demand the recognition of a separate national status by the grant of a separate Federal Constitution from the rest of India.
In addressing this appeal to the Muslims of India, we are also addressing it to the two other great interests - British and Hindu - involved in the settlement of India's future. They must understand that in our conviction our body and soul are at stake. Our very being and well-being depends upon it. For our five great Northern states to join an All-India Federation would be disastrous, not only to ourselves, but to every other race and interest in India, including the British and the Hindu.
This is more especially ture when there is just and reasonable alternative to the proposed settlement, which will lay the foundations of a peaceful future for this great continent; and should certainly allow of the highest development of each of these two peoples without one being subject to another. This alternative is a separate Federation of these five predominantly (sic) Muslim units - Punjab, North-West Frontier (Afghan Province), Kashmir, Sind and Baluchistan.
The Muslim Federation of North-West India would provide the bulwark of a buffer state against any invasion either of ideas or arms from outside. The creation of such a Federation would ot materially disturb the ratio of the Muslim and Hindu population in the rest of India. It is wholly to the interest of British and Hindu statesmanship to have an ally a free, powerful and contented Muslim nation having a similar but separate Constitution to that which is being enacted for the rest of India. Nothing but a separate Federation of homelands would satisfy us.
This demand is basically different from the suggestion put forward by Doctor Mohammed Iqbal in his Presidential address to the Al-India Muslim League in 1930. While he proposed the amalgamation of the provinces into a single state forming a unit of the All-India Federation, we propose that these Provinces should have a separate Federation of their own. There can be no peace and tranquility in the land if we, the Muslims, are duped into a Hindu-dominated Federation where we cannot be the masters of our own destiny and captains of our own souls.
Do the safeguards provided for in the Constitution give us any scope to work for our salvation along our own lines ? Not a bit. Safeguard is the magic word which holds our leaders spellbound, and has dulled their consciences. In the ecstasy of their hallucinations they think that the pills of safeguards can cure nation-anhilating earthquakes. Safeguards asked for by these leaders and agreed to by the makers of the Constitution can never be a substitute for the loss of separate nationality. We, the Muslims, shall have to fight the course of suicidal insanity to death.
What safeguards can be devised to prevent our minority of one in four in an All-India Federation from being sacrificed on every vital issue to the aims and interests of the majority race, which differs from us in every essential of individual and corporate life ? What safeguards can prevent the catastrophe of the Muslim nation smarting and suffering eternally at the frustration of its every social and religious ideal ? What safeguards can compensate our nation awakened to its national conscious for the destruction of its distinct national status ? However effective and extensive the safeguards may be, the vital organs and proud symbols of our national life, such as army and navy, foreign relations, trade and commerce, communications, posts and telegraphs, taxation and customs, will not be under our control, but will be in the hands of a Federal Government, which is bound to be overwhelmingly Hindu. With all this, how can we, the Muslims, achieve any of our ideals if those ideals conflict - conflict as they mu
Front of the four-page document, Now or Never, in which the name "Pakstan" was first published by Rahmat Ali while he was a student at Cambridge University. THE WORD 'PAKISTAN'
Rahmat Ali first published the word 'PAKSTAN' on January 28, 1933 in the pamphlet 'Now or Never'. By the end of 1933, the word had become common vocabulary through the efforts of Rahmat Ali's Pakistan National Movement. An ''I' was added to ease pronouncement (like Afghan-i-stan). In his book 'Pakistan: the Fatherland of the Pak Nation', Rahmat Ali gives a fuller explanation of the word.
WORD 'NOW OR NEVER' 'FATHERLAND' URDU LETTER MEANING P Punjab Punjab Pai Pure, clean.
Holy, as in Qur'an-pak. A Afghania (NWFP) Afghania Alif K Kashmir Kashmir Kaf I Iran Vowel 'I' S Sindh Sindh Seen
Land / land of. T
BalochisTAN Tukharistan Thai A Afghanistan Alif N BalochistaN Nun
EXPLANATION
The originator of the name, Rahmat Ali, says:
" 'Pakistan' is both a Persian and an Urdu word. It is composed of letters taken from the names of all our homelands- 'Indian' and 'Asian'. That is, Panjab, Afghania (North West Frontier Province), Kashmir, Iran, Sindh (including Kach and Kathiawar), Tukharistan, Afghanistan, and Balochistan. It means the land of the Paks- the spiritually pure and clean. It symbolizes the religious beliefs and ethnical stocks of our people; and it stands for all the territorial constituents of our original Fatherland. It has no other origin and no other meaning; and it does not admit of any other interpretation. Those writers who have tried to interpret it in more than way have done so either through the love of casuistry, or through ignorance of its inspiration, origin and composition" (C.R. Ali, 1947, "Pakistan: the Fatherland of the Pak Nation", Cambridge).
Death:He died on 3 February 1951 and was buried on 20 February at Newmarket Road Cemetery, Cambridge, UK.
Saturday, September 20, 2008
fatima jinnah
Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah
Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah, sister of the founder of Pakistan Born: 30 July 1893 in Karachi, Sindh, British India Died: July 8, 1967 (aged 73)Karachi, Pakistan
Political party (1) Muslim League (2) Pakistan movement Religion: Shia Khoja Islam Fatima Jinnah (July 30, 1893 — July 8, 1967) was the sister of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan and an active political figure in movement for independence from the British Raj. She is commonly known in Pakistan as Khatoon-e-Pakistan (Urdu: — "Lady of Pakistan") and Madar-e-Millat ("Mother of the Nation.") She was born in Karachi, Pakistan, then a part of British India. She was admitted to the Dr. R. Ahmed Dental College in the University of Calcutta in 1919 and went on to open her dental clinic in Bombay in 1923. She was an instrumental figure in the Pakistan movement and the primary organiser of All India Muslim Women Students Federation. After the formation of Pakistan and the death of her brother, she remained an active member of the nation's politics. In 1965, Miss Fatima Jinnah ran for President as a candidate of the Combined Opposition Party (COP); widely belived to win the election, her loss came as a shock to the world community. The elecction is still regarded as rigged by most historians.
Early life:Fatima Jinnah was born in Karachi Pakistan on July 30, 1893. Jinnah's parents, Poonja Jinnahbhai and Mithibai Jinnahbhai, had seven children: Muhammad Ali, Ahmad Ali, Bunde Ali, Rahmat Ali, Maryam, Fatima and Shireen. Of a family of seven brothers and sisters, she was the closest to Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Her illustrious brother became her guardian upon the death of their father in 1901. She joined the Bandra Convent in Bombay in 1902. In 1919 she got admitted to the highly competitive University of Calcutta where she attended the Dr. R. Ahmed Dental College. After she graduated, she opened a dental clinic in Bombay in 1923.
Quaid's companion: Upon Rattanbai's death in February 1929, Jinnah closed her clinic, moved into her brother Muhammad Ali Jinnah's bungalow, and took charge of his house. This began the life-long companionship that lasted until her brother's death on September 11, 1948.
Paying tribute to her sister, the Quaid once said, "My sister was like a bright ray of light and hope whenever I came back home and met her. Anxieties would have been much greater and my health much worse, but for the restraint imposed by her".
Political life:During the transfer of power in 1947, Jinnah formed the Women's Relief Committee, which later formed the nucleus for the All Pakistan Women's Association (APWA). She also played a significant role in the settlement of Muhajirs in the new state of Pakistan.
In the 1960s, Jinnah returned to the forefront of political life when she ran for the presidency of Pakistan. She described her opponent, Ayub Khan, as a dictator. Her early rallies nearly 250,000 people turned out to see her in Dhaka, and a million lined the 293 mile route from there to Chittagong. Her train, called the Freedom Special, was 22 hours late because men at each station pulled the emergency cord, and begged her to speak. The crowds hailed her as the mother of the nation.
In her rallies Jinnah argued that, by coming to terms with India on the Indus Water dispute, Ayub had surrendered control of the rivers to India. Jinnah lost the election, but only narrowly, winning a majority in some provinces. The election did not conform to international standards and journalists, as well as subsequent historians, have often suggested it was rigged in favour of Ayub Khan.
Biography of Jinnah:My Brother (book) Fatima Jinnah's unfinished biography of the Quaid, "My Brother", was published by the Quaid-i-Azam Academy in 1987. Quotes:The following are excerpts from some of her statements.
1963 - Madar-i-Millat's Message to the Nation on Quaid-i-Azam's Birthday: "The movement of Pakistan which the Quaid-i-Azam launched was ethical in inspiration and ideological in content. The story of this movement is a story of the ideals of equality, fraternity and social and economic justice struggling against the forces of domination, exploitation, intolerance and tyranny".
1965 - Madar-i-Millat's Message to the Nation on Eid ul-Adha: "Let us sink all our differences and stand united together under the same banner under which we truly achieved Pakistan and let us demonstrate once again that we can, united, face all dangers in the cause of glory of Pakistan, the glory that the Quaid-i-Azam envisaged for Pakistan."
1967 - Madar-i-Millat's Message to the Nation on Eid ul-Adha: "The immediate task before you is to face the problem and bring the country back on the right path with the bugles of Quaid-i-Azam's message. March forward under the banner of star and the crescent with unity in your ranks, faith in your mission and discipline. Fulfill your mission and a great sublime future awaits your enthusiasm and action. Remember: 'cowards die many times before death; the valiant never taste death but once.' This is the only course of action which suits any self-respecting people and certainly the Muslim Nation."
The youngest sister of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, I adoringly called by the Nation 'Madar-e-Millat', Later she studied dentistry at Calcutta and practiced there for a year.
She earned a place of great eminence as a freedom fighter of tenacious determination when her illustrious brother, Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, was in the midst of spearheading the struggle for Pakistan. Throughout those critical years of stresses and strains she looked after her physically ailing brother as a 'great national trust'.
After the death of her great brother in 1948 she devoted the rest of her life to the educational and social uplift of the Muslim women. Her real political worth, sagacity, for the righteousness and unstilted support for democracy came to the fore when she stood firmly behind the opposition parties in the Country trying to stem the tide of undemocratic practices and dictatorship. She inspired hope and gave new lease of life to the people of Pakistan by contesting the Presidential Election against the then President Ayub Khan in 1964. Although she was declared unsuccessful in the elections but she kindled the torch of democracy in Pakistan. “Quaid-e-Azam asked Fatima Jinnah to sit beside him at Sibi Darbar, the grand annual gathering of Baluch and Pakhtun chiefs and leaders. He was making a point: Muslim women must take their place in the history of Pakistan. The Sibi Darbar broke all precedents.“ Akbar S. Ahmed, Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity, p13., Routledge 1997. Also known as Madr-e-Millat, mother of the nation, Fatima Jinnah's name is an important one among the leaders of Pakistan's independence movement. Though she is most loved for being an ardent supporter of her brother, Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of Muslim India, there is much more to Fatima Jinnah. When the Jinnahs lost their father in 1901, Fatima came under the guardianship of her older brother. Encouraged by her brother, she completed her education, living in a hostel while attending Dr Ahmad Dental College. In 1923, at a time when taking up a profession was considered inappropriate for girls from Muslim families, Fatima Jinnah opened her own dental practice in Calcutta. She had the full support of her brother, yet faced opposition from the rest of the family. When Quaid-e-Azam’s wife, Rutti Jinnah, passed away leaving behind a daughter, Fatima Jinnah gave up her practice and went to live with her brother taking charge of the house and her young niece.
During the years that followed, Fatima Jinnah accompanied her brother on many of his official tours. Professor Sharif al Mujahid writes in his article, An enduring legacy, Dawn, July, 2003, “People do not realize that just by accompanying Jinnah wherever he went during the 1940s, Fatima Jinnah was teaching Muslim women to stand shoulder to shoulder with men during the freedom struggle. Numerous pictures of the period show Fatima Jinnah walking alongside Jinnah and not behind him. The message was loud and clear and it was one both the brother and sister wished to convey to the nation.”
She also joined the All India Muslim League and attended the annual sessions. She helped form the All India Muslim Women Students Federation in 941 in Delhi. “Fatima Jinnah's contribution in the social development sector has, however, been ignored somewhat. This has largely been overshadowed by her political role despite the fact that she, along with Begum Rana Liaquat Ali Khan, made the greatest contribution in the realm of women's awakening and participation in national affairs and their empowerment,” wrote professor Sharif al Mujahid.
The height of her political accomplishments came towards the end of her life when, in 1965 she defied tradition by challenging Ayub Khan in a tight race for the office of President of Pakistan. “Even a conservative party like the Jamaat-i-Islami accepted her as a woman presidential candidate.” (Story of Pakistan, Fatima Jinnah 1893-1967).
In the same Dawn article as mentioned above, Professor Mujahid continues, “Her candidature in the 1965 presidential elections settled once and for all, all the tricky questions about whether a woman could be the head of a Muslim state. In the circumstances it was her candidature alone that could have induced a favorable fatwa from Maulana Maududi. And once that was acquired, the controversial issue ceased to exist for all time to come. This represents a singular contribution towards women's empowerment and their participation in public life in Pakistan.”
If Fatima JInnah serves as a role model for Pakistani girls, she is indeed a fine one for she had a life filled achievements.
she was the sister, secretary and political advisor of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan. She contested the 2 Jan 1965 presidential elections against military president Mohammad Ayub Khan as the main opposition candidate. Ayub Khan took the help of orthodox religious groups to issue a fatwa to delegitimise her on religious grounds that a women cannot become the head of an Islamic state. Despite her widespread popular support she lost the elections amidst accusations that Ayub Khan had rigged the polls. In Dacca (E. Pakistan, now Bangladesh), however, she won th majority of votes. She remained unmarried, and died in 1965.
DeathFatima Jinnah died in Karachi on July 8, 1967 and was buried in the courtyard of the Quaid-e-Azam's Mausoleum, mourned deeply by the Nation.The official cause of death was heart failure, but rumours persist that she was murdered by the same group who killed Liaquat Ali Khan. In 2003, the nephew of the Quaid-i-Azam, Akbar Pirbhai, reignited the controversy by suggesting that she was assassinated
Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah, sister of the founder of Pakistan Born: 30 July 1893 in Karachi, Sindh, British India Died: July 8, 1967 (aged 73)Karachi, Pakistan
Political party (1) Muslim League (2) Pakistan movement Religion: Shia Khoja Islam Fatima Jinnah (July 30, 1893 — July 8, 1967) was the sister of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan and an active political figure in movement for independence from the British Raj. She is commonly known in Pakistan as Khatoon-e-Pakistan (Urdu: — "Lady of Pakistan") and Madar-e-Millat ("Mother of the Nation.") She was born in Karachi, Pakistan, then a part of British India. She was admitted to the Dr. R. Ahmed Dental College in the University of Calcutta in 1919 and went on to open her dental clinic in Bombay in 1923. She was an instrumental figure in the Pakistan movement and the primary organiser of All India Muslim Women Students Federation. After the formation of Pakistan and the death of her brother, she remained an active member of the nation's politics. In 1965, Miss Fatima Jinnah ran for President as a candidate of the Combined Opposition Party (COP); widely belived to win the election, her loss came as a shock to the world community. The elecction is still regarded as rigged by most historians.
Early life:Fatima Jinnah was born in Karachi Pakistan on July 30, 1893. Jinnah's parents, Poonja Jinnahbhai and Mithibai Jinnahbhai, had seven children: Muhammad Ali, Ahmad Ali, Bunde Ali, Rahmat Ali, Maryam, Fatima and Shireen. Of a family of seven brothers and sisters, she was the closest to Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Her illustrious brother became her guardian upon the death of their father in 1901. She joined the Bandra Convent in Bombay in 1902. In 1919 she got admitted to the highly competitive University of Calcutta where she attended the Dr. R. Ahmed Dental College. After she graduated, she opened a dental clinic in Bombay in 1923.
Quaid's companion: Upon Rattanbai's death in February 1929, Jinnah closed her clinic, moved into her brother Muhammad Ali Jinnah's bungalow, and took charge of his house. This began the life-long companionship that lasted until her brother's death on September 11, 1948.
Paying tribute to her sister, the Quaid once said, "My sister was like a bright ray of light and hope whenever I came back home and met her. Anxieties would have been much greater and my health much worse, but for the restraint imposed by her".
Political life:During the transfer of power in 1947, Jinnah formed the Women's Relief Committee, which later formed the nucleus for the All Pakistan Women's Association (APWA). She also played a significant role in the settlement of Muhajirs in the new state of Pakistan.
In the 1960s, Jinnah returned to the forefront of political life when she ran for the presidency of Pakistan. She described her opponent, Ayub Khan, as a dictator. Her early rallies nearly 250,000 people turned out to see her in Dhaka, and a million lined the 293 mile route from there to Chittagong. Her train, called the Freedom Special, was 22 hours late because men at each station pulled the emergency cord, and begged her to speak. The crowds hailed her as the mother of the nation.
In her rallies Jinnah argued that, by coming to terms with India on the Indus Water dispute, Ayub had surrendered control of the rivers to India. Jinnah lost the election, but only narrowly, winning a majority in some provinces. The election did not conform to international standards and journalists, as well as subsequent historians, have often suggested it was rigged in favour of Ayub Khan.
Biography of Jinnah:My Brother (book) Fatima Jinnah's unfinished biography of the Quaid, "My Brother", was published by the Quaid-i-Azam Academy in 1987. Quotes:The following are excerpts from some of her statements.
1963 - Madar-i-Millat's Message to the Nation on Quaid-i-Azam's Birthday: "The movement of Pakistan which the Quaid-i-Azam launched was ethical in inspiration and ideological in content. The story of this movement is a story of the ideals of equality, fraternity and social and economic justice struggling against the forces of domination, exploitation, intolerance and tyranny".
1965 - Madar-i-Millat's Message to the Nation on Eid ul-Adha: "Let us sink all our differences and stand united together under the same banner under which we truly achieved Pakistan and let us demonstrate once again that we can, united, face all dangers in the cause of glory of Pakistan, the glory that the Quaid-i-Azam envisaged for Pakistan."
1967 - Madar-i-Millat's Message to the Nation on Eid ul-Adha: "The immediate task before you is to face the problem and bring the country back on the right path with the bugles of Quaid-i-Azam's message. March forward under the banner of star and the crescent with unity in your ranks, faith in your mission and discipline. Fulfill your mission and a great sublime future awaits your enthusiasm and action. Remember: 'cowards die many times before death; the valiant never taste death but once.' This is the only course of action which suits any self-respecting people and certainly the Muslim Nation."
The youngest sister of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, I adoringly called by the Nation 'Madar-e-Millat', Later she studied dentistry at Calcutta and practiced there for a year.
She earned a place of great eminence as a freedom fighter of tenacious determination when her illustrious brother, Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, was in the midst of spearheading the struggle for Pakistan. Throughout those critical years of stresses and strains she looked after her physically ailing brother as a 'great national trust'.
After the death of her great brother in 1948 she devoted the rest of her life to the educational and social uplift of the Muslim women. Her real political worth, sagacity, for the righteousness and unstilted support for democracy came to the fore when she stood firmly behind the opposition parties in the Country trying to stem the tide of undemocratic practices and dictatorship. She inspired hope and gave new lease of life to the people of Pakistan by contesting the Presidential Election against the then President Ayub Khan in 1964. Although she was declared unsuccessful in the elections but she kindled the torch of democracy in Pakistan. “Quaid-e-Azam asked Fatima Jinnah to sit beside him at Sibi Darbar, the grand annual gathering of Baluch and Pakhtun chiefs and leaders. He was making a point: Muslim women must take their place in the history of Pakistan. The Sibi Darbar broke all precedents.“ Akbar S. Ahmed, Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity, p13., Routledge 1997. Also known as Madr-e-Millat, mother of the nation, Fatima Jinnah's name is an important one among the leaders of Pakistan's independence movement. Though she is most loved for being an ardent supporter of her brother, Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of Muslim India, there is much more to Fatima Jinnah. When the Jinnahs lost their father in 1901, Fatima came under the guardianship of her older brother. Encouraged by her brother, she completed her education, living in a hostel while attending Dr Ahmad Dental College. In 1923, at a time when taking up a profession was considered inappropriate for girls from Muslim families, Fatima Jinnah opened her own dental practice in Calcutta. She had the full support of her brother, yet faced opposition from the rest of the family. When Quaid-e-Azam’s wife, Rutti Jinnah, passed away leaving behind a daughter, Fatima Jinnah gave up her practice and went to live with her brother taking charge of the house and her young niece.
During the years that followed, Fatima Jinnah accompanied her brother on many of his official tours. Professor Sharif al Mujahid writes in his article, An enduring legacy, Dawn, July, 2003, “People do not realize that just by accompanying Jinnah wherever he went during the 1940s, Fatima Jinnah was teaching Muslim women to stand shoulder to shoulder with men during the freedom struggle. Numerous pictures of the period show Fatima Jinnah walking alongside Jinnah and not behind him. The message was loud and clear and it was one both the brother and sister wished to convey to the nation.”
She also joined the All India Muslim League and attended the annual sessions. She helped form the All India Muslim Women Students Federation in 941 in Delhi. “Fatima Jinnah's contribution in the social development sector has, however, been ignored somewhat. This has largely been overshadowed by her political role despite the fact that she, along with Begum Rana Liaquat Ali Khan, made the greatest contribution in the realm of women's awakening and participation in national affairs and their empowerment,” wrote professor Sharif al Mujahid.
The height of her political accomplishments came towards the end of her life when, in 1965 she defied tradition by challenging Ayub Khan in a tight race for the office of President of Pakistan. “Even a conservative party like the Jamaat-i-Islami accepted her as a woman presidential candidate.” (Story of Pakistan, Fatima Jinnah 1893-1967).
In the same Dawn article as mentioned above, Professor Mujahid continues, “Her candidature in the 1965 presidential elections settled once and for all, all the tricky questions about whether a woman could be the head of a Muslim state. In the circumstances it was her candidature alone that could have induced a favorable fatwa from Maulana Maududi. And once that was acquired, the controversial issue ceased to exist for all time to come. This represents a singular contribution towards women's empowerment and their participation in public life in Pakistan.”
If Fatima JInnah serves as a role model for Pakistani girls, she is indeed a fine one for she had a life filled achievements.
she was the sister, secretary and political advisor of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan. She contested the 2 Jan 1965 presidential elections against military president Mohammad Ayub Khan as the main opposition candidate. Ayub Khan took the help of orthodox religious groups to issue a fatwa to delegitimise her on religious grounds that a women cannot become the head of an Islamic state. Despite her widespread popular support she lost the elections amidst accusations that Ayub Khan had rigged the polls. In Dacca (E. Pakistan, now Bangladesh), however, she won th majority of votes. She remained unmarried, and died in 1965.
DeathFatima Jinnah died in Karachi on July 8, 1967 and was buried in the courtyard of the Quaid-e-Azam's Mausoleum, mourned deeply by the Nation.The official cause of death was heart failure, but rumours persist that she was murdered by the same group who killed Liaquat Ali Khan. In 2003, the nephew of the Quaid-i-Azam, Akbar Pirbhai, reignited the controversy by suggesting that she was assassinated
allama iqbal
Allama Muhammad Iqbal (1877 - 1938)
Full name: Sir Allama Muhammad Iqbal
Birth: He was born in November 9, 1877, Sialkot, British India (now Pakistan)
Death:In April 21, 1938 (aged 60), Lahore, British India (now Pakistan)
School/tradition: Islamic philosophy is his school.
Main interests: poetry and philosophy is his main interest.
Notable ideas: the noteable ideas of iqbal was Two-Nation Theory .
DETAIL ABOUT MUHAMMAD IQBAL:
Sheikh Muhammad Iqbal was born in November 9, 1877, the eldest of five siblings in a Kashmiri family,It is believed that Iqbal's family were originally Hindu Brahmins, but became Muslim following his ancestor Sahaj Ram Sapru's conversion to Islam, although this version is disputed by some scholars. Iqbal's father Shaikh Nur Muhammad was a prosperous tailor, well-known for his devotion to Islam, and the family raised their children with deep religious grounding. was a Muslim poet, philosopher and politician born in Sialkot, whose poetry in Urdu and Persian is considered to be among the greatest of the modern era and whose vision of an independent state for the Muslims of British India was to inspire the creation of Pakistan. He is commonly referred to as Allama Iqbal
The boy was educated initially by tutors in languages and writing, history, poetry and religion. His potential as a poet and writer was recognised by one of his tutors, Sayyid Mir Hassan, and Iqbal would continue to study under him at the Scotch Mission College in Sialkot. The student became proficient in several languages and the skill of writing prose and poetry, and graduated in 1892. Following custom, at the age of 15 Iqbal's family arranged for him to be married to Karim Bibi, the daughter of an affluent Gujrati physician. The couple had two children: a daughter, Mi'raj Begam (born 1895) and a son, Aftab (born 1899). Iqbal's third son died soon after birth. The husband and wife were unhappy in their marriage and eventually divorced in 1916.
Iqbal entered the Government College in Lahore where he studied philosophy, English literature and Arabic and obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree, graduating cum laude. He won a gold medal for topping his examination in philosophy. While studying for his masters degree, Iqbal came under the wing of Sir Thomas Arnold, a scholar of Islam and modern philosophy at the college. Arnold exposed the young man to Western culture and ideas, and served as a bridge for Iqbal between the ideas of East and West. Iqbal was appointed to a readership in Arabic at the Oriental College in Lahore, and he published his first book in Urdu, The Knowledge of Economics in 1903. In 1905 Iqbal published the patriotic song, Tarana-e-Hind (Song of India).
At Sir Thomas's encouragement, Iqbal travelled to and spend many years studying in Europe. He obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree from Trinity College at Cambridge in 1907, while simultaneously studying law at Lincoln's Inn, from where he qualified as a barrister in 1908. Iqbal also met a Muslim student, Atiyah Faizi in 1907, and had a close relationship with her. In Europe, he started writing his poetry in Persian as well. Throughout his life, Iqbal would prefer writing in Persian as he believed it allowed him to fully express philosophical concepts, and it gave him a wider audience. It was while in England that he first participated in politics. Following the formation of the All-India Muslim League in 1906, Iqbal was elected to the executive committee of its British chapter in 1908. Together with two other politicians, Syed Hassan Bilgrami and Syed Ameer Ali, Iqbal sat on the subcommittee which drafted the constitution of the League. In 1907, Iqbal travelled to Germany to pursue a doctorate from the Faculty
of Philosophy of the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität at Munich. Working under the supervision of Friedrich Hommel, Iqbal published a thesis titled: The Development of Metaphysics in Persia.
Literary career:Upon his return to India in 1908, Iqbal took up assistant professorship at the Government College in Lahore, but for financial reasons he relinquished it within a year to practise law. During this period, Iqbal's personal life was in turmoil. He divorced Karim Bibi in 1916, but provided financial support to her and their children for the rest of his life.
While maintaining his legal practise, Iqbal began concentrating on spiritual and religious subjects, and publishing poetry and literary works. He became active in the Anjuman-e-Himayat-e-Islam, a congress of Muslim intellectuals, writers and poets as well as politicians, and in 1919 became the general secretary of the organisation. Iqbal's thoughts in his work primarily focused on the spiritual direction and development of human society, centred around experiences from his travel and stay in Western Europe and the Middle East. He was profoundly influenced by Western philosophers such as Friedrich Nietzsche, Henri Bergson and Goethe, and soon became a strong critic of Western society's separation of religion from state and what he perceived as its obsession with materialist pursuits. 1908, in LondonThe poetry and philosophy of Mawlana Rumi bore the deepest influence on Iqbal's mind. Deeply grounded in religion since childhood, Iqbal would begin intensely concentrating on the study of Islam, the culture and history of Islamic civilization and its political future, and embrace Rumi as "his guide." Iqbal would feature Rumi in the role of a guide in many of his poems, and his works focused on reminding his readers of the past glories of Islamic civilization, and delivering a message of a pure, spiritual focus on Islam as a source for socio-political liberation and greatness. Iqbal denounced political divisions within and amongst Muslim nations, and frequently alluded to and spoke in terms of the global Muslim community, or the Ummah.
Works in Persian:Iqbal's poetic works are written mostly in Persian rather than Urdu. Among his 12,000 verses of poem, almost more than 7,000 verses are in Persian. In 1915, he published his first collection of poetry, the Asrar-e-Khudi (Secrets of the Self) in Persian. The poems delve into concepts of ego and emphasise the spirit and self from a religious, spiritual perspective. Many critics have called this Iqbal's finest poetic work. In Asrar-e-Khudi, Iqbal has explained his philosophy of "Khudi," or "Self." He proves by various means that the whole universe obeys the will of the "Self." Iqbal condemns self-destruction. For him the aim of life is self-realization and self-knowledge. He charts the stages through which the "Self" has to pass before finally arriving at its point of perfection, enabling the knower of the "Self" to become the viceregent of Allah.
In his Rumuz-e-Bekhudi (Hints of Selflessness), Iqbal seeks to prove that Islamic way of life is the best code of conduct for a nation's viability. A person must keep his individual characteristics intact but once this is achieved he should sacrifice his personal ambitions for the needs of the nation. Man cannot realise the "Self" out of society. Also in Persian and published in 1917, this group of poems has as its main themes the ideal community, Islamic ethical and social principles and the relationship between the individual and society. Although he is true throughout to Islam, Iqbal recognises also the positive analogous aspects of other religions. The Rumuz-e-Bekhudi complements the emphasis on the self in the Asrar-e-Khudi and the two collections are often put in the same volume under the title Asrar-e-Rumuz (Hinting Secrets), and it is addressed to the world's Muslims. Iqbal sees the individual and his community as reflections of each other. The individual needs to be strengthened before he can be
integrated into the community, whose development in turn depends on the preservation of the communal ego. It is through contact with others that an ego learns to accept the limitations of its own freedom and the meaning of love. Muslim communities must ensure order in life and must therefore preserve their communal tradition. It is in this context that Iqbal sees the vital role of women, who as mothers are directly responsible for inculcating values in their children.
Iqbal's 1924 publication, the Payam-e-Mashriq (The Message of the East) is closely connected to the West-östlicher Diwan by the famous German poet Goethe. Goethe bemoaned that the West had become too materialistic in outlook and expected that the East would provide a message of hope that would resuscitate spiritual values. Iqbal styles his work as a reminder to the West of the importance of morality, religion and civilization by underlining the need for cultivating feeling, ardour and dynamism. He explains that an individual could never aspire for higher dimensions unless he learns of the nature of spirituality. In his first visit to Afghanistan, he presented his book "Payam-e Mashreq" to King Amanullah Khan in which he admired the liberal movements of Afghanistan against the British Empire. In 1933, he was officially invited to Afghanistan to join the meetings regarding the establishment of Kabul University. 1929, with his son Javid IqbalThe Zabur-e-Ajam (Persian Psalms), published in 1927, includes the poems Gulshan-e-Raz-e-Jadeed (Garden of New Secrets) and Bandagi Nama (Book of Slavery). In Gulshan-e-Raz-e-Jadeed, Iqbal first poses questions, then answers them with the help of ancient and modern insight and shows how it effects and concerns the world of action. Bandagi Nama denounces slavery by attempting to explain the spirit behind the fine arts of enslaved societies. Here as in other books, Iqbal insists on remembering the past, doing well in the present and preparing for the future, emphasising love, enthusiasm and energy to fill the ideal life. Iqbal's 1932 work, the Javed Nama (Book of Javed) is named after and in a manner addressed to his son, who is featured in the poems, and follows the examples of the works of Ibn Arabi and Dante's The Divine Comedy, through mystical and exaggerated depiction across time. Iqbal depicts himself as Zinda Rud ("A stream full of life") guided by Rumi, "the master,"
through various heavens and spheres, and has the honour of approaching divinity and coming in contact with divine illuminations. In a passage re-living a historical period, Iqbal condemns the Muslim traitors who were instrumental in the defeat and death of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula of Bengal and Tipu Sultan of Mysore respectively by betraying them for the benefit of the British colonists, and thus delivering their country to the shackles of slavery. At the end, by addressing his son Javid, he speaks to the young people at large, and provides guidance to the "new generation."
His love to Persian language is evident in his works and poetry. He says in one of his poems:
Works in Urdu: 1933, Iqbal in Spain.Iqbal's first work published in Urdu, the Bang-e-Dara (The Call of the Marching Bell) of 1924, was a collection of poetry written by him in three distinct phases of his life.The poems he wrote up to 1905, the year Iqbal left for England imbibe patriotism and imagery of landscape, and includes the Tarana-e-Hind (The Song of India), popularly known as Saare Jahan Se Achcha and another poem Tarana-e-Milli (Anthem of the (muslim) Community), which was composed in the same metre and rhyme scheme as Saare Jahan Se Achcha. The second set of poems date from between 1905 and 1908 when Iqbal studied in Europe and dwell upon the nature of European society, which he emphasized had lost spiritual and religious values. This inspired Iqbal to write poems on the historical and cultural heritage of Islamic culture and Muslim people, not from an Indian but a global perspective. Iqbal urges the global community of Muslims, addressed as the Ummah to define personal, social and political existence by the
values and teachings of Islam. Poems such as Tulu'i Islam (Dawn of Islam) and Khizr-e-Rah (The Guided Path) are especially acclaimed.
Iqbal preferred to work mainly in Persian for a predominant period of his career, but after 1930, his works were mainly in Urdu. The works of this period were often specifically directed at the Muslim masses of India, with an even stronger emphasis on Islam, and Muslim spiritual and political reawakening. Published in 1935, the Bal-e-Jibril (Wings of Gabriel) is considered by many critics as the finest of Iqbal's Urdu poetry, and was inspired by his visit to Spain, where he visited the monuments and legacy of the kingdom of the Moors. It consists of ghazals, poems, quatrains, epigrams and carries a strong sense religious passion.
The Pas Cheh Bayed Kard ai Aqwam-e-Sharq (What are we to do, O Nations of the East?) includes the poem Musafir (Traveller). Again, Iqbal depicts Rumi as a character and an exposition of the mysteries of Islamic laws and Sufi perceptions is given. Iqbal laments the dissension and disunity among the Indian Muslims as well as Muslim nations. Musafir is an account of one of Iqbal's journeys to Afghanistan, in which the Pashtun people are counseled to learn the "secret of Islam" and to "build up the self" within themselves. Iqbal's final work was the Armughan-e-Hijaz (The Gift of Hijaz), published posthumously in 1938. The first part contains quatrains in Persian, and the second part contains some poems and epigrams in Urdu. The Persian quatrains convey the impression as though the poet is travelling through the Hijaz in his imagination. Profundity of ideas and intensity of passion are the salient features of these short poems. The Urdu portion of the book contains some categorical criticism of the intellectual
movements and social and political revolutions of the modern age.
Political career: Iqbal, with Muslim political activists.While dividing his time between law and poetry, Iqbal had remained active in the Muslim League. He supported Indian involvement in World War I, as well as the Khilafat movement and remained in close touch with Muslim political leaders such as Maulana Mohammad Ali and Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He was a critic of the mainstream Indian National Congress, which he regarded as dominated by Hindus and was disappointed with the League when during the 1920s, it was absorbed in factional divides between the pro-British group led by Sir Muhammad Shafi and the centrist group led by Jinnah.
In November 1926, with the encouragement of friends and supporters, Iqbal contested for a seat in the Punjab Legislative Assembly from the Muslim district of Lahore, and defeated his opponent by a margin of 3,177 votes. He supported the constitutional proposals presented by Jinnah with the aim of guaranteeing Muslim political rights and influence in a coalition with the Congress, and worked with the Aga Khan and other Muslim leaders to mend the factional divisions and achieve unity in the Muslim League.West Asia to garner political and financial support for the League, and he reiterated his ideas in his 1932 address, and during the Third Round-Table Conference, he opposed the Congress and proposals for transfer of power without considerable autonomy or independence for Muslim provinces. He would serve as president of the Punjab Muslim League, and would deliver speeches and publish articles in an attempt to rally Muslims across India as a single political entity. Iqbal consistently criticised feudal classes in Punjab as well as Muslim politicians averse to the League.
Relationship with Jinnah:
Iqbal, in his final years.Ideologically separated from Congress Muslim leaders, Iqbal had also been disillusioned with the politicians of the Muslim League owing to the factional conflict that plagued the League in the 1920s. Discontent with factional leaders like Sir Muhammad Shafi and Sir Fazl-ur-Rahman, Iqbal came to believe that only Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a political leader capable of preserving this unity and fulfilling the League's objectives on Muslim political empowerment. Building a strong, personal correspondence with Jinnah, Iqbal was an influential force on convincing Jinnah to end his self-imposed exile in London, return to India and take charge of the League. Iqbal firmly believed that Jinnah was the only leader capable of drawing Indian Muslims to the League and maintaining party unity before the British and the Congress:
"I know you are a busy man but I do hope you won't mind my writing to you often, as you are the only Muslim in India today to whom the community has right to look up for safe guidance through the storm which is coming to North-West India and, perhaps, to the whole of India."
There were significant differences between the two men — while Iqbal believed that Islam was the source of government and society, Jinnah was a believer in secular government and had laid out a secular vision for Pakistan where religion would have "nothing to do with the business of the state." Iqbal had backed the Khilafat struggle; Jinnah had dismissed it as "religious frenzy." And while Iqbal espoused the idea of partitioning Muslim-majority provinces in 1930, Jinnah would continue to hold talks with the Congress through the decade and only officially embraced the goal of Pakistan in 1940. Some historians postulate that Jinnah always remained hopeful for an agreement with the Congress and never fully desired the partition of India. Iqbal's close correspondence with Jinnah is speculated by some historians as having been responsible for Jinnah's embrace of the idea of Pakistan.[14] Iqbal elucidated to Jinnah his vision of a separate Muslim state in a letter sent on June 21, 1937:
"A separate federation of Muslim Provinces, reformed on the lines I have suggested above, is the only course by which we can secure a peaceful India and save Muslims from the domination of Non-Muslims. Why should not the Muslims of North-West India and Bengal be considered as nations entitled to self-determination just as other nations in India and outside India are."
Iqbal, serving as president of the Punjab Muslim League, criticised Jinnah's political actions, including a political agreement with Punjabi leader Sir Sikandar Hyat Khan, whom Iqbal saw as a representative of feudal classes and not committed to Islam as the core political philosophy. Nevertheless, Iqbal worked constantly to encourage Muslim leaders and masses to support Jinnah and the League. Speaking about the political future of Muslims in India, Iqbal said:
"There is only one way out. Muslims should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it, our demands are not going to be accepted. People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. These demands relate to the defence of our national existence.... The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim League. And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims."
In his views on Muslim political future, Iqbal was at odds with Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi, who had opposed the partition of India. Maududi had however, been closer to Iqbal's poetic-philosophy of an ideal Islamic state which would reject secularism and nationalism. After the creation of Pakistan, nine years after Iqbal's death, Jinnah and other League politicians would publicly credit Iqbal as one of the visionaries and founders of the state.
Allama Dr. Sir Mohammad Iqbal is one of most outstanding poets, writers, intellectuals and thinkers of modem times.
He held a brilliant academic record. He did his Masters in Philosophy from Government College, Lahore and joined there as a lecturer. He left for Europe in 1905 and studied Philosophy and Law at the Trinity College, Cambridge, Lincolin's Inn, London and the Munich University. He was awarded a 'Ph. D' by the Munich University.
He retu.med home in 1908 and rejoined service in the Government College, Lahore. He resigned after sometime and started practicing Law. He was elected Member of the Punjab Legislative Assembly in 1926 for three years. In 1930 Iqbal was elected President of the Muslim League session held at Allahabad. In 1931 he attended the Round Table Conference which met in London to frame a constitution for India and took active Part in its various committees.
He was the first to give a concrete shape to the Muslim aspirations in India for 'a separate homeland'. In his Presidential Address at the Annual Session of the All India Muslim League at Allahbad (1930) he boldly asserted the Muslim demand for the creation of a Muslim India within India, and said "I would like to see the Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province, Sindh and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single State".
It was Iqbal's fervent appeal which persuaded the Quaid-e-Azam in 1934 to return from England and lead the Muslims of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-continent in their struggle for constitutional rights and it was in his letters to the Quaid"e-Azam that he elaborated his scheme in its political as well as cultural context. He succeeded in convincing the Quaid-e-Azam that Pakistan was the only solution to the Political problems of the Muslims of India, and it was on the foundations laid by Iqbal that the Muslim Leageue's historic Pakistan Resolution of 1940 wa~ ha~rl
He believed, on the one hand, in the emancipation and freedom of the Muslims of the Indo-P~istan Sub-continent and on the other, he argued for the unity of Muslim nations all-over the world. Iqbal's political philosophy is not atomistic but organic in that it implied the formation of an associaiton of the Muslim countries to betten their own lot and be the upholder of peace and justice throughout the World. His verses in Urdu and Persian and his monumental treatises have been translated into almost all the important languages of the world and found wide recognition in Iran, Turkdy, Egypt, England, France, Germany, Italy, USSR, etc.
An academy named after him has been established by the Government of Pakistan to promote and disseminate the messages and teachings of Allama Iqbal.
He was a versatile genius-poet, philosopher, lawyer, educationist, politician, and a reformer.
"Armughan-e-Hijaz" published posthumously. It was a collection of Urdu and Persian poems.
Although Iqbal did not live to see the creation of an independent Pakistan in 1947, he is nevertheless regarded as the symbolic father of that nation
Allama Muhammad Iqbal is generally known as a poet and philosopher, but he was also a jurist, a politician, a social reformer, and a great Islamic scholar. People even bestowed on him the title of "Shaere-Mashriq" (Poet of the East!). It may sound strange that Iqbal never considered himself a poet as is evidenced by his correspondence with Syed Sulaiman Nadvi [1885-1953].
"I have never considered myself a poet. Therefore, I am not a rival of anyone, and I do not consider anybody my rival. I have no interest in poetic artistry. But, yes, I have a special goal in mind for whose expression I use the medium of poetry considering the condition and the customs of this country."
Iqbal's contribution to the Muslim world as one of the greatest thinkers of Islam remains unparalleled. In his writings, he addressed and exhorted people, particularly the youth, to stand up and boldly face life's challenges. The central theme and main source of his message was the Qur'an.
Iqbal considered the Qur'an not only as a book of religion (in the traditional sense) but also a source of foundational principles upon which the infrastructure of an organization must be built as a coherent system of life. According to Iqbal, this system of life when implemented as a living force is ISLAM. Because it is based on permanent (absolute) values given in the Qur'an, this system provides perfect harmony, balance, and stability in the society from within and the source of security and a shield from without. It also provides freedom of choice and equal opportunity for the development of personality for everyone within the guidelines of Qur'an. Thus, in Iqbal's opinion, Islam is not a religion in which individuals strive for a private subjective relationship with God in the hope of personal salvation as it is done in secular systems. Iqbal firmly opposed theocracy and dictatorship and considered them against the free spirit of Islam.
Humanity, as a whole, has never faced the challenge posed by the enormity and the complexity of human problems, such as it is facing today. The problems have taken on a global dimension now and transcend the barriers of race, color, language, geography, and social, political and religious ideologies. Most of the problems of mankind are universal in nature and, therefore, require a universal approach to the solution. Iqbal's universal message is an attempt to address this challenge faced by humanity.
Through his travels and personal communications, Allama Iqbal found that the Muslims throughout the world had detached themselves from the Qur'an as a guiding principle and a living force. After the disaster following the Balkan War of 1912, the fall of the caliphate in Turkey, and many anti-Muslim incessant provocations and actions against Muslims in India (1924-27) and elsewhere by the intellectuals and so called secular minded leaders, Allama Iqbal suggested that a separate state should be given to the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent so that they can express the vitality of Islam to its fullest. In his 1930 Presidential speech delivered to the annual session of Muslim League at Allahabad, Allama Iqbal stated:
"I, therefore, demand the formation of a consolidated Muslim state in the best interests of India and Islam. For India, it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power; for Islam, an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilize its laws, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and with the spirit of modern times."
Iqbal's "Deeda-war" (visionary), is like Iqbal himself. He could foresee what others could not. Whereas others only have a short term view of things, a visionary sees the problems in a long term perspective and develops some sort of cosmic sense. A nation is indeed fortunate if it produces a few such individuals in centuries. Such individuals, although very rare, change the course of history forever, as indeed Iqbal did. Pakistan owes its existence to Allama Iqbal. Thus, the people of Pakistan owe a great deal of gratitude to this extraordinary visionary.
Allama Iqbal's contributions are numerous and it is not possible to give even a glimpse of his work here.
Allama Iqbal's other famous poems include 'Zubur-e-Ajam' in Persian, and 'Shama-o-Shaer' (The Candle and the Poet), 'Taswir-e-Dard' (The Picture of Agony), 'Naya Shiwala' (New Temple), 'Tuloo-e-Islam' (The Dawn of Islam), all in Urdu. The last three were written to unite his countrymen for the common good.
Translations: English "Shikwa" (Complaint) and "Jawab-e-Shikwa" (Reply to Complaint) translated by Altaf Husain.
Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam," - a collection of six lectures, translated by Prof Arberry, Oxford University.
Arabic "Zarab-e-Kalim" and "Payam-e-Mashriq" translated by Dr. Abdul Wahab Azzam, Professor, Al-Azhar University, Cairo.
Turkish "Payam-e-Mashriq" translated by Dr. Ali Ganjeli.
German "Payam-e-Mashriq" translated by Professor Hell.
French Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam," - a collection of six lectures, translated by Madame Eva Meyerovitch, Paris.
Latin 'Javed Nama' translated under the title 'II Poema Celeste' by Professor Alessander Busani.
Indonesian Asrar-e-Khudi translated by M. Burhan Rangkuti.
A brief outline of Allama Iqbal's life and achievements is presented below:
1877 Born at Sialkot on Friday, November 9, 1877.basically he is Kashmiri origin. 1893-95 High School and Intermediate - Scotch Mission College, Sialkot. 1897 B. A. (Arabic and Philosophy) - Government College, Lahore. Awarded Jamaluddin Gold Medal for securing highest marks in Arabic, and another Gold Medal in English. 1899 M.A. (Philosophy) - Government College, Lahore. Secured first rank in Punjab state and awarded Gold Medal. Reader in Arabic, Oriental College, Lahore. 1900 Read his poem "Nala-e-Yateem," (Wails of an Orphan) at the annual function of Anjuman-e-Himayat-e-Islam at Lahore. 1901 Poem 'Himala' published in Makhzan. Assistant Commissioner's Examination (didn't qualify due to medical reasons). 1903 Assistant Professor, Government College, Lahore. Published his first book, "Ilmul-Iqtasad" (Study of Economics), Lahore. 1905 Traveled to England for higher studies. 1907 Ph.D., Munich University, Germany (Thesis: Development of Metaphysics in Persia). 1907-08 Professor of Arabic, London University. 1908 Bar-at-Law, London. Returned to India. Started law practice on October 22, 1908. Part-time Professor of Philosophy and English Literature. 1911 Wrote and read famous poem "Shikwa" (Complaint) at Lahore. Professor of Philosophy, Government College, Lahore. 1912 Wrote the epoch-making "Jawab-e-Shikwa" (Reply to Complaint). 1913 Wrote "History of India" for middle school students, Lahore (now out of print). 1915 Published a long Persian poem "Asrar-e-Khudi" (Secrets of Self). Resigned from professorship to spread the message of Islam. 1918 In counterpart to "Asrar-e-Khudi", published "Rumuz-e-Bekhudi" (Mysteries of Selflessness) in Persian. 1920 English translation of "Asrar-e-Khudi" by Prof. R.A. Nicholson of Cambridge University entitled "Secrets of Self." Visited Kashmir and presented his famous poem "Saqi Nama" at Srinagar. 1923 Awarded knighthood "Sir" at Lahore on January 1, 1923. Published "Pay am-e-Mashriq" (The Message of the East) in Persian. It was written in response to Goethe's West-Ostlicher Divan. 1924 Prepared an Urdu course material for Grade 6,7 students at Lahore. Published "Bang-e-Dara" (Call of the Caravan) in Urdu in March 1924. 1926 Elected to Punjab Legislative Council, Lahore (1926-1929). 1927 Published "Zaboor-e-A'jam" in Persian. 1929 Delivered his famous six lectures at Madras, Osmania University at Hyderabad, and Aligarh. He made very thought provoking comments on the latest scientific and philosophical developments of the 1920s in the light of Islamic teachings. 1930 President, All India Muslim League. Elaborated on the idea of an independent Muslim state in his presidential speech at Allahabad. [Refer to 1924-28 events in particular and 1912-29 in general in the Muslims in the Indian Subcontinent - V 1800 - 1950 CE]. 1931 Published "Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam," - a collection of six lectures, Lahore; it was also published by Oxford University. Participated in Mo'tamar-A'lam-e-Islami (World Muslim Conference) in Palestine. Participated in the Second Round Table Conference, London, September 7 - December 31, 1931. 1932 Visited Paris and met French philosophers Bergson and Massignon. Bergson was astonished to hear his remark on the Islamic concept of time. Published "Javed Namah" in Persian. It was a reply to Dante's 'Divine Comedy'. Participated in the Third Round Table Conference, London, November 17 - December 24, 1932. 1933 Allama Iqbal met Mussolini in Rome after Mussolini expressed his interest to meet him. Visited Qurtuba, Spain and wrote the poems "Dua" (Supplication) "Masjid-e-Qurtuba." (The Mosque of Cordoba). Served as Advisor to the Government of Afghanistan on higher education (October 1933). Awarded Honorary D. Litt degree by Punjab University on Dec. 4,1933. 1934 Musafir (Traveler) in Persian. 1935 Published "Bal-e-Jibril" in Urdu. 1936 Published "Zarab-e-Kalim" in April 1936, "Pas Che Bayad Kard" in Persian, and "Payam-e-Mashriq" in September 1936. 1937 Ulema from Al-Azhar University visited Allama Iqbal at Lahore. 1938 Jawahar Lal Nehru visited Allama Iqbal at Lahore in January 1938. Allama Iqbal died at Lahore on April 21,1938.
Death:In April 21, 1938 (aged 60), Lahore, British India (now Pakistan)
His tomb is located in the space between the entrance of the Badshahi Mosque and the Lahore Fort, and an official guard is maintained there by the Government of Pakistan.
Full name: Sir Allama Muhammad Iqbal
Birth: He was born in November 9, 1877, Sialkot, British India (now Pakistan)
Death:In April 21, 1938 (aged 60), Lahore, British India (now Pakistan)
School/tradition: Islamic philosophy is his school.
Main interests: poetry and philosophy is his main interest.
Notable ideas: the noteable ideas of iqbal was Two-Nation Theory .
DETAIL ABOUT MUHAMMAD IQBAL:
Sheikh Muhammad Iqbal was born in November 9, 1877, the eldest of five siblings in a Kashmiri family,It is believed that Iqbal's family were originally Hindu Brahmins, but became Muslim following his ancestor Sahaj Ram Sapru's conversion to Islam, although this version is disputed by some scholars. Iqbal's father Shaikh Nur Muhammad was a prosperous tailor, well-known for his devotion to Islam, and the family raised their children with deep religious grounding. was a Muslim poet, philosopher and politician born in Sialkot, whose poetry in Urdu and Persian is considered to be among the greatest of the modern era and whose vision of an independent state for the Muslims of British India was to inspire the creation of Pakistan. He is commonly referred to as Allama Iqbal
The boy was educated initially by tutors in languages and writing, history, poetry and religion. His potential as a poet and writer was recognised by one of his tutors, Sayyid Mir Hassan, and Iqbal would continue to study under him at the Scotch Mission College in Sialkot. The student became proficient in several languages and the skill of writing prose and poetry, and graduated in 1892. Following custom, at the age of 15 Iqbal's family arranged for him to be married to Karim Bibi, the daughter of an affluent Gujrati physician. The couple had two children: a daughter, Mi'raj Begam (born 1895) and a son, Aftab (born 1899). Iqbal's third son died soon after birth. The husband and wife were unhappy in their marriage and eventually divorced in 1916.
Iqbal entered the Government College in Lahore where he studied philosophy, English literature and Arabic and obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree, graduating cum laude. He won a gold medal for topping his examination in philosophy. While studying for his masters degree, Iqbal came under the wing of Sir Thomas Arnold, a scholar of Islam and modern philosophy at the college. Arnold exposed the young man to Western culture and ideas, and served as a bridge for Iqbal between the ideas of East and West. Iqbal was appointed to a readership in Arabic at the Oriental College in Lahore, and he published his first book in Urdu, The Knowledge of Economics in 1903. In 1905 Iqbal published the patriotic song, Tarana-e-Hind (Song of India).
At Sir Thomas's encouragement, Iqbal travelled to and spend many years studying in Europe. He obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree from Trinity College at Cambridge in 1907, while simultaneously studying law at Lincoln's Inn, from where he qualified as a barrister in 1908. Iqbal also met a Muslim student, Atiyah Faizi in 1907, and had a close relationship with her. In Europe, he started writing his poetry in Persian as well. Throughout his life, Iqbal would prefer writing in Persian as he believed it allowed him to fully express philosophical concepts, and it gave him a wider audience. It was while in England that he first participated in politics. Following the formation of the All-India Muslim League in 1906, Iqbal was elected to the executive committee of its British chapter in 1908. Together with two other politicians, Syed Hassan Bilgrami and Syed Ameer Ali, Iqbal sat on the subcommittee which drafted the constitution of the League. In 1907, Iqbal travelled to Germany to pursue a doctorate from the Faculty
of Philosophy of the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität at Munich. Working under the supervision of Friedrich Hommel, Iqbal published a thesis titled: The Development of Metaphysics in Persia.
Literary career:Upon his return to India in 1908, Iqbal took up assistant professorship at the Government College in Lahore, but for financial reasons he relinquished it within a year to practise law. During this period, Iqbal's personal life was in turmoil. He divorced Karim Bibi in 1916, but provided financial support to her and their children for the rest of his life.
While maintaining his legal practise, Iqbal began concentrating on spiritual and religious subjects, and publishing poetry and literary works. He became active in the Anjuman-e-Himayat-e-Islam, a congress of Muslim intellectuals, writers and poets as well as politicians, and in 1919 became the general secretary of the organisation. Iqbal's thoughts in his work primarily focused on the spiritual direction and development of human society, centred around experiences from his travel and stay in Western Europe and the Middle East. He was profoundly influenced by Western philosophers such as Friedrich Nietzsche, Henri Bergson and Goethe, and soon became a strong critic of Western society's separation of religion from state and what he perceived as its obsession with materialist pursuits. 1908, in LondonThe poetry and philosophy of Mawlana Rumi bore the deepest influence on Iqbal's mind. Deeply grounded in religion since childhood, Iqbal would begin intensely concentrating on the study of Islam, the culture and history of Islamic civilization and its political future, and embrace Rumi as "his guide." Iqbal would feature Rumi in the role of a guide in many of his poems, and his works focused on reminding his readers of the past glories of Islamic civilization, and delivering a message of a pure, spiritual focus on Islam as a source for socio-political liberation and greatness. Iqbal denounced political divisions within and amongst Muslim nations, and frequently alluded to and spoke in terms of the global Muslim community, or the Ummah.
Works in Persian:Iqbal's poetic works are written mostly in Persian rather than Urdu. Among his 12,000 verses of poem, almost more than 7,000 verses are in Persian. In 1915, he published his first collection of poetry, the Asrar-e-Khudi (Secrets of the Self) in Persian. The poems delve into concepts of ego and emphasise the spirit and self from a religious, spiritual perspective. Many critics have called this Iqbal's finest poetic work. In Asrar-e-Khudi, Iqbal has explained his philosophy of "Khudi," or "Self." He proves by various means that the whole universe obeys the will of the "Self." Iqbal condemns self-destruction. For him the aim of life is self-realization and self-knowledge. He charts the stages through which the "Self" has to pass before finally arriving at its point of perfection, enabling the knower of the "Self" to become the viceregent of Allah.
In his Rumuz-e-Bekhudi (Hints of Selflessness), Iqbal seeks to prove that Islamic way of life is the best code of conduct for a nation's viability. A person must keep his individual characteristics intact but once this is achieved he should sacrifice his personal ambitions for the needs of the nation. Man cannot realise the "Self" out of society. Also in Persian and published in 1917, this group of poems has as its main themes the ideal community, Islamic ethical and social principles and the relationship between the individual and society. Although he is true throughout to Islam, Iqbal recognises also the positive analogous aspects of other religions. The Rumuz-e-Bekhudi complements the emphasis on the self in the Asrar-e-Khudi and the two collections are often put in the same volume under the title Asrar-e-Rumuz (Hinting Secrets), and it is addressed to the world's Muslims. Iqbal sees the individual and his community as reflections of each other. The individual needs to be strengthened before he can be
integrated into the community, whose development in turn depends on the preservation of the communal ego. It is through contact with others that an ego learns to accept the limitations of its own freedom and the meaning of love. Muslim communities must ensure order in life and must therefore preserve their communal tradition. It is in this context that Iqbal sees the vital role of women, who as mothers are directly responsible for inculcating values in their children.
Iqbal's 1924 publication, the Payam-e-Mashriq (The Message of the East) is closely connected to the West-östlicher Diwan by the famous German poet Goethe. Goethe bemoaned that the West had become too materialistic in outlook and expected that the East would provide a message of hope that would resuscitate spiritual values. Iqbal styles his work as a reminder to the West of the importance of morality, religion and civilization by underlining the need for cultivating feeling, ardour and dynamism. He explains that an individual could never aspire for higher dimensions unless he learns of the nature of spirituality. In his first visit to Afghanistan, he presented his book "Payam-e Mashreq" to King Amanullah Khan in which he admired the liberal movements of Afghanistan against the British Empire. In 1933, he was officially invited to Afghanistan to join the meetings regarding the establishment of Kabul University. 1929, with his son Javid IqbalThe Zabur-e-Ajam (Persian Psalms), published in 1927, includes the poems Gulshan-e-Raz-e-Jadeed (Garden of New Secrets) and Bandagi Nama (Book of Slavery). In Gulshan-e-Raz-e-Jadeed, Iqbal first poses questions, then answers them with the help of ancient and modern insight and shows how it effects and concerns the world of action. Bandagi Nama denounces slavery by attempting to explain the spirit behind the fine arts of enslaved societies. Here as in other books, Iqbal insists on remembering the past, doing well in the present and preparing for the future, emphasising love, enthusiasm and energy to fill the ideal life. Iqbal's 1932 work, the Javed Nama (Book of Javed) is named after and in a manner addressed to his son, who is featured in the poems, and follows the examples of the works of Ibn Arabi and Dante's The Divine Comedy, through mystical and exaggerated depiction across time. Iqbal depicts himself as Zinda Rud ("A stream full of life") guided by Rumi, "the master,"
through various heavens and spheres, and has the honour of approaching divinity and coming in contact with divine illuminations. In a passage re-living a historical period, Iqbal condemns the Muslim traitors who were instrumental in the defeat and death of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula of Bengal and Tipu Sultan of Mysore respectively by betraying them for the benefit of the British colonists, and thus delivering their country to the shackles of slavery. At the end, by addressing his son Javid, he speaks to the young people at large, and provides guidance to the "new generation."
His love to Persian language is evident in his works and poetry. He says in one of his poems:
Works in Urdu: 1933, Iqbal in Spain.Iqbal's first work published in Urdu, the Bang-e-Dara (The Call of the Marching Bell) of 1924, was a collection of poetry written by him in three distinct phases of his life.The poems he wrote up to 1905, the year Iqbal left for England imbibe patriotism and imagery of landscape, and includes the Tarana-e-Hind (The Song of India), popularly known as Saare Jahan Se Achcha and another poem Tarana-e-Milli (Anthem of the (muslim) Community), which was composed in the same metre and rhyme scheme as Saare Jahan Se Achcha. The second set of poems date from between 1905 and 1908 when Iqbal studied in Europe and dwell upon the nature of European society, which he emphasized had lost spiritual and religious values. This inspired Iqbal to write poems on the historical and cultural heritage of Islamic culture and Muslim people, not from an Indian but a global perspective. Iqbal urges the global community of Muslims, addressed as the Ummah to define personal, social and political existence by the
values and teachings of Islam. Poems such as Tulu'i Islam (Dawn of Islam) and Khizr-e-Rah (The Guided Path) are especially acclaimed.
Iqbal preferred to work mainly in Persian for a predominant period of his career, but after 1930, his works were mainly in Urdu. The works of this period were often specifically directed at the Muslim masses of India, with an even stronger emphasis on Islam, and Muslim spiritual and political reawakening. Published in 1935, the Bal-e-Jibril (Wings of Gabriel) is considered by many critics as the finest of Iqbal's Urdu poetry, and was inspired by his visit to Spain, where he visited the monuments and legacy of the kingdom of the Moors. It consists of ghazals, poems, quatrains, epigrams and carries a strong sense religious passion.
The Pas Cheh Bayed Kard ai Aqwam-e-Sharq (What are we to do, O Nations of the East?) includes the poem Musafir (Traveller). Again, Iqbal depicts Rumi as a character and an exposition of the mysteries of Islamic laws and Sufi perceptions is given. Iqbal laments the dissension and disunity among the Indian Muslims as well as Muslim nations. Musafir is an account of one of Iqbal's journeys to Afghanistan, in which the Pashtun people are counseled to learn the "secret of Islam" and to "build up the self" within themselves. Iqbal's final work was the Armughan-e-Hijaz (The Gift of Hijaz), published posthumously in 1938. The first part contains quatrains in Persian, and the second part contains some poems and epigrams in Urdu. The Persian quatrains convey the impression as though the poet is travelling through the Hijaz in his imagination. Profundity of ideas and intensity of passion are the salient features of these short poems. The Urdu portion of the book contains some categorical criticism of the intellectual
movements and social and political revolutions of the modern age.
Political career: Iqbal, with Muslim political activists.While dividing his time between law and poetry, Iqbal had remained active in the Muslim League. He supported Indian involvement in World War I, as well as the Khilafat movement and remained in close touch with Muslim political leaders such as Maulana Mohammad Ali and Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He was a critic of the mainstream Indian National Congress, which he regarded as dominated by Hindus and was disappointed with the League when during the 1920s, it was absorbed in factional divides between the pro-British group led by Sir Muhammad Shafi and the centrist group led by Jinnah.
In November 1926, with the encouragement of friends and supporters, Iqbal contested for a seat in the Punjab Legislative Assembly from the Muslim district of Lahore, and defeated his opponent by a margin of 3,177 votes. He supported the constitutional proposals presented by Jinnah with the aim of guaranteeing Muslim political rights and influence in a coalition with the Congress, and worked with the Aga Khan and other Muslim leaders to mend the factional divisions and achieve unity in the Muslim League.West Asia to garner political and financial support for the League, and he reiterated his ideas in his 1932 address, and during the Third Round-Table Conference, he opposed the Congress and proposals for transfer of power without considerable autonomy or independence for Muslim provinces. He would serve as president of the Punjab Muslim League, and would deliver speeches and publish articles in an attempt to rally Muslims across India as a single political entity. Iqbal consistently criticised feudal classes in Punjab as well as Muslim politicians averse to the League.
Relationship with Jinnah:
Iqbal, in his final years.Ideologically separated from Congress Muslim leaders, Iqbal had also been disillusioned with the politicians of the Muslim League owing to the factional conflict that plagued the League in the 1920s. Discontent with factional leaders like Sir Muhammad Shafi and Sir Fazl-ur-Rahman, Iqbal came to believe that only Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a political leader capable of preserving this unity and fulfilling the League's objectives on Muslim political empowerment. Building a strong, personal correspondence with Jinnah, Iqbal was an influential force on convincing Jinnah to end his self-imposed exile in London, return to India and take charge of the League. Iqbal firmly believed that Jinnah was the only leader capable of drawing Indian Muslims to the League and maintaining party unity before the British and the Congress:
"I know you are a busy man but I do hope you won't mind my writing to you often, as you are the only Muslim in India today to whom the community has right to look up for safe guidance through the storm which is coming to North-West India and, perhaps, to the whole of India."
There were significant differences between the two men — while Iqbal believed that Islam was the source of government and society, Jinnah was a believer in secular government and had laid out a secular vision for Pakistan where religion would have "nothing to do with the business of the state." Iqbal had backed the Khilafat struggle; Jinnah had dismissed it as "religious frenzy." And while Iqbal espoused the idea of partitioning Muslim-majority provinces in 1930, Jinnah would continue to hold talks with the Congress through the decade and only officially embraced the goal of Pakistan in 1940. Some historians postulate that Jinnah always remained hopeful for an agreement with the Congress and never fully desired the partition of India. Iqbal's close correspondence with Jinnah is speculated by some historians as having been responsible for Jinnah's embrace of the idea of Pakistan.[14] Iqbal elucidated to Jinnah his vision of a separate Muslim state in a letter sent on June 21, 1937:
"A separate federation of Muslim Provinces, reformed on the lines I have suggested above, is the only course by which we can secure a peaceful India and save Muslims from the domination of Non-Muslims. Why should not the Muslims of North-West India and Bengal be considered as nations entitled to self-determination just as other nations in India and outside India are."
Iqbal, serving as president of the Punjab Muslim League, criticised Jinnah's political actions, including a political agreement with Punjabi leader Sir Sikandar Hyat Khan, whom Iqbal saw as a representative of feudal classes and not committed to Islam as the core political philosophy. Nevertheless, Iqbal worked constantly to encourage Muslim leaders and masses to support Jinnah and the League. Speaking about the political future of Muslims in India, Iqbal said:
"There is only one way out. Muslims should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it, our demands are not going to be accepted. People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. These demands relate to the defence of our national existence.... The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim League. And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims."
In his views on Muslim political future, Iqbal was at odds with Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi, who had opposed the partition of India. Maududi had however, been closer to Iqbal's poetic-philosophy of an ideal Islamic state which would reject secularism and nationalism. After the creation of Pakistan, nine years after Iqbal's death, Jinnah and other League politicians would publicly credit Iqbal as one of the visionaries and founders of the state.
Allama Dr. Sir Mohammad Iqbal is one of most outstanding poets, writers, intellectuals and thinkers of modem times.
He held a brilliant academic record. He did his Masters in Philosophy from Government College, Lahore and joined there as a lecturer. He left for Europe in 1905 and studied Philosophy and Law at the Trinity College, Cambridge, Lincolin's Inn, London and the Munich University. He was awarded a 'Ph. D' by the Munich University.
He retu.med home in 1908 and rejoined service in the Government College, Lahore. He resigned after sometime and started practicing Law. He was elected Member of the Punjab Legislative Assembly in 1926 for three years. In 1930 Iqbal was elected President of the Muslim League session held at Allahabad. In 1931 he attended the Round Table Conference which met in London to frame a constitution for India and took active Part in its various committees.
He was the first to give a concrete shape to the Muslim aspirations in India for 'a separate homeland'. In his Presidential Address at the Annual Session of the All India Muslim League at Allahbad (1930) he boldly asserted the Muslim demand for the creation of a Muslim India within India, and said "I would like to see the Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province, Sindh and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single State".
It was Iqbal's fervent appeal which persuaded the Quaid-e-Azam in 1934 to return from England and lead the Muslims of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-continent in their struggle for constitutional rights and it was in his letters to the Quaid"e-Azam that he elaborated his scheme in its political as well as cultural context. He succeeded in convincing the Quaid-e-Azam that Pakistan was the only solution to the Political problems of the Muslims of India, and it was on the foundations laid by Iqbal that the Muslim Leageue's historic Pakistan Resolution of 1940 wa~ ha~rl
He believed, on the one hand, in the emancipation and freedom of the Muslims of the Indo-P~istan Sub-continent and on the other, he argued for the unity of Muslim nations all-over the world. Iqbal's political philosophy is not atomistic but organic in that it implied the formation of an associaiton of the Muslim countries to betten their own lot and be the upholder of peace and justice throughout the World. His verses in Urdu and Persian and his monumental treatises have been translated into almost all the important languages of the world and found wide recognition in Iran, Turkdy, Egypt, England, France, Germany, Italy, USSR, etc.
An academy named after him has been established by the Government of Pakistan to promote and disseminate the messages and teachings of Allama Iqbal.
He was a versatile genius-poet, philosopher, lawyer, educationist, politician, and a reformer.
"Armughan-e-Hijaz" published posthumously. It was a collection of Urdu and Persian poems.
Although Iqbal did not live to see the creation of an independent Pakistan in 1947, he is nevertheless regarded as the symbolic father of that nation
Allama Muhammad Iqbal is generally known as a poet and philosopher, but he was also a jurist, a politician, a social reformer, and a great Islamic scholar. People even bestowed on him the title of "Shaere-Mashriq" (Poet of the East!). It may sound strange that Iqbal never considered himself a poet as is evidenced by his correspondence with Syed Sulaiman Nadvi [1885-1953].
"I have never considered myself a poet. Therefore, I am not a rival of anyone, and I do not consider anybody my rival. I have no interest in poetic artistry. But, yes, I have a special goal in mind for whose expression I use the medium of poetry considering the condition and the customs of this country."
Iqbal's contribution to the Muslim world as one of the greatest thinkers of Islam remains unparalleled. In his writings, he addressed and exhorted people, particularly the youth, to stand up and boldly face life's challenges. The central theme and main source of his message was the Qur'an.
Iqbal considered the Qur'an not only as a book of religion (in the traditional sense) but also a source of foundational principles upon which the infrastructure of an organization must be built as a coherent system of life. According to Iqbal, this system of life when implemented as a living force is ISLAM. Because it is based on permanent (absolute) values given in the Qur'an, this system provides perfect harmony, balance, and stability in the society from within and the source of security and a shield from without. It also provides freedom of choice and equal opportunity for the development of personality for everyone within the guidelines of Qur'an. Thus, in Iqbal's opinion, Islam is not a religion in which individuals strive for a private subjective relationship with God in the hope of personal salvation as it is done in secular systems. Iqbal firmly opposed theocracy and dictatorship and considered them against the free spirit of Islam.
Humanity, as a whole, has never faced the challenge posed by the enormity and the complexity of human problems, such as it is facing today. The problems have taken on a global dimension now and transcend the barriers of race, color, language, geography, and social, political and religious ideologies. Most of the problems of mankind are universal in nature and, therefore, require a universal approach to the solution. Iqbal's universal message is an attempt to address this challenge faced by humanity.
Through his travels and personal communications, Allama Iqbal found that the Muslims throughout the world had detached themselves from the Qur'an as a guiding principle and a living force. After the disaster following the Balkan War of 1912, the fall of the caliphate in Turkey, and many anti-Muslim incessant provocations and actions against Muslims in India (1924-27) and elsewhere by the intellectuals and so called secular minded leaders, Allama Iqbal suggested that a separate state should be given to the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent so that they can express the vitality of Islam to its fullest. In his 1930 Presidential speech delivered to the annual session of Muslim League at Allahabad, Allama Iqbal stated:
"I, therefore, demand the formation of a consolidated Muslim state in the best interests of India and Islam. For India, it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power; for Islam, an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilize its laws, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and with the spirit of modern times."
Iqbal's "Deeda-war" (visionary), is like Iqbal himself. He could foresee what others could not. Whereas others only have a short term view of things, a visionary sees the problems in a long term perspective and develops some sort of cosmic sense. A nation is indeed fortunate if it produces a few such individuals in centuries. Such individuals, although very rare, change the course of history forever, as indeed Iqbal did. Pakistan owes its existence to Allama Iqbal. Thus, the people of Pakistan owe a great deal of gratitude to this extraordinary visionary.
Allama Iqbal's contributions are numerous and it is not possible to give even a glimpse of his work here.
Allama Iqbal's other famous poems include 'Zubur-e-Ajam' in Persian, and 'Shama-o-Shaer' (The Candle and the Poet), 'Taswir-e-Dard' (The Picture of Agony), 'Naya Shiwala' (New Temple), 'Tuloo-e-Islam' (The Dawn of Islam), all in Urdu. The last three were written to unite his countrymen for the common good.
Translations: English "Shikwa" (Complaint) and "Jawab-e-Shikwa" (Reply to Complaint) translated by Altaf Husain.
Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam," - a collection of six lectures, translated by Prof Arberry, Oxford University.
Arabic "Zarab-e-Kalim" and "Payam-e-Mashriq" translated by Dr. Abdul Wahab Azzam, Professor, Al-Azhar University, Cairo.
Turkish "Payam-e-Mashriq" translated by Dr. Ali Ganjeli.
German "Payam-e-Mashriq" translated by Professor Hell.
French Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam," - a collection of six lectures, translated by Madame Eva Meyerovitch, Paris.
Latin 'Javed Nama' translated under the title 'II Poema Celeste' by Professor Alessander Busani.
Indonesian Asrar-e-Khudi translated by M. Burhan Rangkuti.
A brief outline of Allama Iqbal's life and achievements is presented below:
1877 Born at Sialkot on Friday, November 9, 1877.basically he is Kashmiri origin. 1893-95 High School and Intermediate - Scotch Mission College, Sialkot. 1897 B. A. (Arabic and Philosophy) - Government College, Lahore. Awarded Jamaluddin Gold Medal for securing highest marks in Arabic, and another Gold Medal in English. 1899 M.A. (Philosophy) - Government College, Lahore. Secured first rank in Punjab state and awarded Gold Medal. Reader in Arabic, Oriental College, Lahore. 1900 Read his poem "Nala-e-Yateem," (Wails of an Orphan) at the annual function of Anjuman-e-Himayat-e-Islam at Lahore. 1901 Poem 'Himala' published in Makhzan. Assistant Commissioner's Examination (didn't qualify due to medical reasons). 1903 Assistant Professor, Government College, Lahore. Published his first book, "Ilmul-Iqtasad" (Study of Economics), Lahore. 1905 Traveled to England for higher studies. 1907 Ph.D., Munich University, Germany (Thesis: Development of Metaphysics in Persia). 1907-08 Professor of Arabic, London University. 1908 Bar-at-Law, London. Returned to India. Started law practice on October 22, 1908. Part-time Professor of Philosophy and English Literature. 1911 Wrote and read famous poem "Shikwa" (Complaint) at Lahore. Professor of Philosophy, Government College, Lahore. 1912 Wrote the epoch-making "Jawab-e-Shikwa" (Reply to Complaint). 1913 Wrote "History of India" for middle school students, Lahore (now out of print). 1915 Published a long Persian poem "Asrar-e-Khudi" (Secrets of Self). Resigned from professorship to spread the message of Islam. 1918 In counterpart to "Asrar-e-Khudi", published "Rumuz-e-Bekhudi" (Mysteries of Selflessness) in Persian. 1920 English translation of "Asrar-e-Khudi" by Prof. R.A. Nicholson of Cambridge University entitled "Secrets of Self." Visited Kashmir and presented his famous poem "Saqi Nama" at Srinagar. 1923 Awarded knighthood "Sir" at Lahore on January 1, 1923. Published "Pay am-e-Mashriq" (The Message of the East) in Persian. It was written in response to Goethe's West-Ostlicher Divan. 1924 Prepared an Urdu course material for Grade 6,7 students at Lahore. Published "Bang-e-Dara" (Call of the Caravan) in Urdu in March 1924. 1926 Elected to Punjab Legislative Council, Lahore (1926-1929). 1927 Published "Zaboor-e-A'jam" in Persian. 1929 Delivered his famous six lectures at Madras, Osmania University at Hyderabad, and Aligarh. He made very thought provoking comments on the latest scientific and philosophical developments of the 1920s in the light of Islamic teachings. 1930 President, All India Muslim League. Elaborated on the idea of an independent Muslim state in his presidential speech at Allahabad. [Refer to 1924-28 events in particular and 1912-29 in general in the Muslims in the Indian Subcontinent - V 1800 - 1950 CE]. 1931 Published "Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam," - a collection of six lectures, Lahore; it was also published by Oxford University. Participated in Mo'tamar-A'lam-e-Islami (World Muslim Conference) in Palestine. Participated in the Second Round Table Conference, London, September 7 - December 31, 1931. 1932 Visited Paris and met French philosophers Bergson and Massignon. Bergson was astonished to hear his remark on the Islamic concept of time. Published "Javed Namah" in Persian. It was a reply to Dante's 'Divine Comedy'. Participated in the Third Round Table Conference, London, November 17 - December 24, 1932. 1933 Allama Iqbal met Mussolini in Rome after Mussolini expressed his interest to meet him. Visited Qurtuba, Spain and wrote the poems "Dua" (Supplication) "Masjid-e-Qurtuba." (The Mosque of Cordoba). Served as Advisor to the Government of Afghanistan on higher education (October 1933). Awarded Honorary D. Litt degree by Punjab University on Dec. 4,1933. 1934 Musafir (Traveler) in Persian. 1935 Published "Bal-e-Jibril" in Urdu. 1936 Published "Zarab-e-Kalim" in April 1936, "Pas Che Bayad Kard" in Persian, and "Payam-e-Mashriq" in September 1936. 1937 Ulema from Al-Azhar University visited Allama Iqbal at Lahore. 1938 Jawahar Lal Nehru visited Allama Iqbal at Lahore in January 1938. Allama Iqbal died at Lahore on April 21,1938.
Death:In April 21, 1938 (aged 60), Lahore, British India (now Pakistan)
His tomb is located in the space between the entrance of the Badshahi Mosque and the Lahore Fort, and an official guard is maintained there by the Government of Pakistan.
liaquat ali khan
Liaquat Ali Khan Born: 2 October 1896 IN Karnal, British India
Political party :He has Muslim League
Religion :Islam is his religion
Died: October 16, 1951 (aged 55)Rawalpindi, Pakistan
1st Finance Minister of British India( 17 August 1946 – 14 August 1947) Succeeded by John Mathai 1st Prime Minister of Pakistan (14 August 1947 – 16 October 1951) Preceded by Office Created Succeeded by Khawaja Nazimuddin
1st Foreign Minister of Pakistan (15 August 1947 - 27 December 1947) Succeeded by Muhammad Zafrulla Khan
Liaquat Ali Khan, the second son of Nawab Rustam Ali Khan, was born on October 2, 1896, in Karnal, India, into an aristocratic Punjabi family. His father enjoyed the title of Ruken-ud-Daulah, Shamsher Jang and Nawab Bahadur, bestowed by the British government. Nawab Rustam Ali Khan was one of the few landlords whose property was spread across both the Punjab and the United Provinces. Liaquat's mother, Mahmoodah Begum, arranged for his lessons in the Qur'an and Ahadith at home before his formal schooling started.
He graduated in 1918 from Muhammedan Anglo-Oriental College (later: Aligarh Muslim University), Aligarh, and married his cousin, Jehangira Begum, in 1918. After the death of his father, Liaquat went to England and was awarded a Master's degree from Exeter College, Oxford in 1921. While a student at Oxford University, he was elected Honorary Treasurer of the Indian Majlis. Thereafter he joined the Inner Temple, one of the Inns of Court in London. He was called to the Bar in 1922. Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan was one of the prominent leaders of Pakistan, who nourished the new-born Muslim State with supreme dedication. He laid down his life while serving the nation and thus established a noble tradition of sacrifice to be written in the golden words by the future historians of Pakistan. His sacred blood flowed in the Company Bagh, Rawalpindi on 16th October will ever remain shining on the horizon of Pakistan, inspiring those who destined to devote their life for the cause of the country. The bank balance of Rs 1200, which he left for his family, is a positive proof of his honest living, and his noble character. He set an example to utilise the state exchequer on the national development, instead of personal pursuits. He was the only leader who left in India a large estate and never claimed any compensation for his landed property.
It is very unfortunate that the services and sacrifices of Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan were never fully appreciated by his contemporaries, who deliberately denied his importance and tried to suppress the sympathy manifested and maintained by the people of Pakistan. The present regime, while celebrating the year 2003 as the year of Madar-i-Millat Mohtarama Fatima Jinnah has established a good example of presenting homage to the heroes, which ought to be followed by the successive governments. Liaquat Ali deserves to be remembered as one of the great leaders of Pakistan Movement in a befitting manner.
His father, Nawab Rustam Ali Khan, enjoyed the title of Ruken-ud-Daulah, Shamsher Jang and Nawab Bahadur, bestowed by the British government. He was one of the few landlords whose landed property was spread in the two Provinces of India; Punjab and UP. He was brought up in the enlightened atmosphere.
Liaquat Ali Khan seemed to have been far sighted even in his schools days. He realised that if he was to become an important person in life, he must achieve high education and if possible, proceed to England for higher studies, after having graduated in India. Accordingly, he pleaded with his father to allow him to join Aligarh College for his B A, a request that his father willingly conceded, and in that year Liaquat Ali Khan came to be a student at Mohammadan Anglo Oriental College, Aligarh. After studying at Aligarh for some time, he joined a college in Allahabad, from where he obtained his B A Degree in 1918.
After the death of his father Liaquat Ali Khan went to England for higher studies. He joined Exeter College of the Oxford University and obtained Masters Degree from that University in 1921. Thereafter he joined the Inner Temple, from where he was called to the Bar in 1922. While a student at Oxford he took an active part in debates organised by the Indian Majlis, of which he was later on elected Honorary Treasurer.
After returning to India he instead of adopting a lucrative career, decided to enter politics intending to serve his community. Liaquat joined the All India Muslim League in 1923. He was elected a member of the UP Legislative Council from the Rural Muslim Constituency of Muzzafarnagar in 1926 and soon established himself as a promising Muslim politician. In 1932, he was elected the Deputy President of UP Legislative Council, unanimously.
Liaquat came into close contact with Quaid-i-Azam in 1933 when he visited England with his bride, Rana Liaquat Ali. Previously he was invited by the Quaid to participate in the All India National Convention held at Calcutta in the last week of December 1928, which rejected Quaid's compromising formula for communal co-operation and consequently alienated him from the Congress for ever. The couple was entertained by the Quaid who, disappointed and dejected from the political scenario of India, settled in England after the failure of 3rd Round Table Conference. Liaquat argued about Quaid's return to India stressing that: "you must come back. The people need you. You alone can put new life into the League and save it."
On Quaid-i-Azam's return to India after a self-imposed temporary retirement, he became to be more and more impressed with the qualities of leadership that were inherent in Liaquat Ali Khan. The annual session of the All India Muslim League met at Bombay on 12th April 1936. The question arose of electing a new General Secretary. Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan was a favourite for that office and every one felt convinced that the Raja Saheb would be elected. But Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan had caught the eye of the Quaid as a suitable person to hold that difficult post. The Quaid let his choice be known to some of the leaders, and the name of Liaquat Ali Khan began to gather more and more support... The result was that in the open session. on 12th of April 1936, Quaid-i-Azam himself moved a resolution, proposing Liaquat Ali Khan to be the Honorary Secretary. The Quaid said: "Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan is my right hand". He paid very high compliments to the untiring work put in by Liaquat. He continued: "Liaquat Ali Khan
has worked and served the League day and night, and that it was beyond the capacity of any one man to shoulder the burden and responsibility of work that he had been called upon to do. He said he could not think of any one else better suited for the post than Liaquat Ali Khan, whose name was before the meeting." He commands the universal respect and confidence of the Muslims of India." ....The resolution was unanimously adopted amid thunderous applause.
The resolution said, "Resolved that Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan Saheb, Deputy President, UP Legislative Council, be elected Honorary Secretary of the All India Muslim League for the next term, of three years". This resolution, seconded by Sir Mohammad Yakub, was unanimously adopted, and the Nawabzada became for the first time, General Secretary of the All India Muslim League. He continued to hold this important and vital office in the organisation from 1936 right up to 1947. It was only after partition that another General Secretary was elected.... Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan was one of the most trusted lieutenants of the Quaid.
On the 14th of August 1947, Pakistan came into existence as an independent sovereign Muslim State. On the 15th, was issued the first notification of the Government of Pakistan, wherein it was notified that Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah "has been appointed by His Majesty to be the Governor-General of Pakistan". Another notification, issued on the same day, said that "The Governor-General has been graciously pleased to appoint Liaquat Ali Khan, I I Chundrigar, Ghulam Mohammad, Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar, Ghazanfar Ali Khan, Jogendra Nath Mandal, Fazlur Rahman to be ministers of the Government of Pakistan". Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan was designated in the notification to be the Prime Minister and in charge of Foreign Affairs and Commonwealth Relations and Defence.
Being the first Prime Minister of a new country, starting from scratch, was no easy job. But the Quaid-i-Millat proved equal to the task; he shouldered his difficult responsibilities with the determination of a dedicated patriot. When about a year after the independence, we lost the Founder of Nation, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan's responsibilities increased a hundred fold Liaquat was in every way a worthy successor (to the Quaid).
Jinnah's death emboldened India to go on the offensive in a big way. Within twelve hours of Jinnah's burial, it mounted an invasion of Hyderabad state, and occupied the state within five days. In September 1949, India imposed a trade embargo, putting Pakistan to serious economic strains since India was at that time the largest buyer of Pakistan jute, the country's premier cash crop, and the main supplier of coal to Pakistan. In early 1950, the Indian Prime Minister threatened to use "other methods" in East Pakistan, and India troops were massed within a striking distance of East Pakistan, in order to pressure Pakistan into accepting New Delhi's dictate on the minorities question. Again, in July 1951, India massed its troops on West Pakistan borders. Each time Liaquat stood his ground, took effective measures to counter the Indian moves, showed courage, determination and statesmanship, and galvanised the nation as a solid Phalanx.
The credit for presenting Objective Resolution and putting the foundation of Modern Islamic Constitution goes to Liaquat Ali Khan. The Objective Resolution affirms that "the state shall exercise its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people." "This", argued Liaquat, "is very essence of democracy, because the people have been recognised as the recipients of all authority and it is in them that the power to wield it has been vested."
Liaquat Ali Khan further emphasised that, "Islam does not recognise either priesthood or any sacerdotal authority, and, therefore, the question of a theocracy simply does not arise in Islam. If there are any who still use the word theocracy in the same breath as the policy of Pakistan they are either labouring under a grave misapprehension, or indulging in mischievous propaganda."
Liaquat Ali Khan discussing the form of Government to be introduced in Pakistan said "We want to build up a truly liberal government where the greatest amount of freedom will be given to all its members. Everyone will be equal before the law, but this does not mean that his personal law will not be protected. We believe in the equality of status and justice. At present our masses are poor and illiterate. We must raise their standards of life, and free them from the shackles of poverty and ignorance."
He initiated polices designed to enable Pakistan to play its due rule in the comity of nations and world forums. He strengthened Pakistan's still tentative links with several Muslim countries, extended support to liberation movements in Indonesia, Malaysia, Sudan, Libya, Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria and Nigeria, called the first International Islamic Economic Conference in early 1951, which was attended by, among other, the Grand Mufti of Palestine, Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia, and Abdullah Usman of Somalia.
He used his diplomatic skills to win support abroad for Pakistan in its disputes with India, especially on Kashmir. When the Commonwealth prime minister were found lukewarm in discussing these disputes and suggesting solutions, he took a bold stand: he refused to attend the third Commonwealth Conference in 1950 unless Kashmir was put on the agenda. Likewise, he was successful in selling Pakistan's viewpoint during his crucial official visit to the United States in May 1950.
As he said, "Barathran-e-Millat", there was the sound of pistol shot, Liaquat Al Khan put his right hand on his heart. He whispered faintly, "Allah", Then he recited the Kalimah, and his last words were "May God protect Pakistan". The assassin was killed on the spot. Shaheed-i-Millat was taken in a car to the Combined Military Hospital, where the doctors pronounced him dead. By this supreme sacrifice, the Quaid-i-Millat earned for himself the immortal title of "Shaheed-i-Millat".
Liaquat's untimely death still surrounded in mystery. It was a great national tragedy. However, justice was never done to the benefactor of Pakistan, who left behind the immortal message: "God save Pakistan". It was the first political murder in the history of Pakistan. It is alleged that assassination was conspired by those were selfish adventurers, who wanted to capture the power by hook or by crook. Since then it has become a tradition to suppress the conclusive evidence, pending the case to be forgotten by the people with the passage of time. Liaquat Ali Khan was no doubt a martyr and his name will remain shining forever on the horizon of Pakistan.
Political career: Liaquat Ali Khan with his family.On his return from Britain in 1923, Liaquat entered politics, determined to eradicate what he saw as the injustices and ill treatment meted out to the Indian Muslims under the British. In his early life, Liaquat believed in Indian Nationalism. His views gradually changed. The Congress leaders asked him to join their party, but he refused and joined the Muslim League in 1923. Under the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Muslim League held its annual session in May 1924 in Lahore. The aim of this session was to revive the League. Liaquat was among those who attended this conference.
Liaquat began his parliamentary career as an elected member of the United Provinces Legislative Council from the rural Muslim constituency of Muzzafarnagar in 1926. In 1932, he was unanimously elected Deputy President of UP Legislative Council. He remained a member of the UP Legislative Council until 1940, when he was elected to the Central Legislative Assembly.
Liaquat took active part in legislative affairs. He was one of the members of the Muslim League delegation that attended the National Convention held at Calcutta to discuss the Nehru Report in December 1928.
Liaquat's second marriage took place in December 1932. His wife Begum Ra'ana was a prominent economist and an educator. She, too, was an influential figure in the Pakistan movement.
Following the failure of the Round Table Conferences, Muhammad Ali Jinnah had settled in London and was practicing law before the Privy Council. Liaquat and his wife had a number of meetings with Jinnah and convinced him to come back to India to take up the leadership of the Muslims of the region.
Pakistan movement:
When Muhammad Ali Jinnah returned to India, he started to reorganise the Muslim League. In 1936, the annual session of the All India Muslim league met in Bombay. In the open session on 12 April 1936, Jinnah moved a resolution proposing Liaquat Ali Khan as the Honorary General Secretary. The resolution was unanimously adopted and he held the office till the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. In 1940, Liaquat was made the deputy leader of the Muslim League Parliamentary party. Jinnah was not able to take active part in the proceedings of the Assembly on account of his heavy political work. It was Liaquat Ali Khan who stood in his place. During this period, Liaquat was also the Honorary General Secretary of the Muslim League, the deputy leader of their party, Convenor of the Action Committee of the Muslim League, Chairman of the Central Parliamentary Board and the managing director of the newspaper Dawn.
The Pakistan Resolution was adopted in 1940 at the Lahore session of the Muslim League. The same year elections were held for the central legislative assembly which were contested by Liaquat from the Barielly constituency. He was elected without contest. When the twenty-eighth session of the League met in Madras on 12 April 1941, Jinnah told party members that the ultimate aim was to obtain Pakistan. In this session, Liaquat moved a resolution incorporating the objectives of the Pakistan Resolution in the 'aims and objectives of the Muslim League'. The resolution was seconded and passed unanimously.
In 1945-46, mass elections were held in India and Liaquat won the Central Legislature election from the Meerut Constituency in the United Provinces. He was also elected Chairman of the League's Central Parliamentary Board. The Muslim League won 87% of seats reserved for Muslims of the sub-continent. He assisted Jinnah in his negotiations with the members of the Cabinet Mission and the leaders of the Congress during the final phases of the Freedom Movement and it was decided that an interim government would be formed consisting of members of the Congress, the Muslim League and minority leaders. When the Government asked the Muslim League to send their nominees for representation in the interim government, Liaquat Ali was asked to lead the League group in the cabinet. He was given the portfolio of finance. By this point, the outgoing British government of India and the Indian National Congress had both accepted the idea of Pakistan and therefore on August 14, 1947, Pakistan came into existence.
Liaquat Ali Khan as Prime Minister: Liaquat Ali Khan signs the register as the first Prime Minister of Pakistan.After independence, Liaquat Ali Khan was appointed the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. Pakistan faced a number of difficulties in its early days. Liaquat and Jinnah were determined to stop the riots and refugee problems and to set up an effective administrative system for the country. Liaquat established the groundwork for Pakistan's foreign policy. He also took steps towards the formulation of the constitution. He presented The Objectives Resolution, a prelude to future constitutions, in the Legislative Assembly. The house passed it on March 12, 1949. It has been described as the "Magna Carta" of Pakistan's constitutional history. Liaquat called it "the most important occasion in the life of this country, next in importance, only to the achievement of independence". Under his leadership a team also drafted the first report of the Basic Principle Committee and work began on the second report.
During his tenure, India and Pakistan agreed to resolve the dispute of Kashmir in a peaceful manner through the efforts of the United Nations. According to this agreement a ceasefire was effected in Kashmir on January 1, 1949. It was decided that a free and impartial plebiscite would be held under the supervision of the UN.
After the death of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the problem of religious minorities flared during late 1949 and early 1950, and observers feared that India and Pakistan were about to fight their second war in the first three years of their independence. At this time, Liaquat met Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to sign the Liaquat-Nehru Pact in 1950. The pact was an effort to improve relations and reduce tension between India and Pakistan, and to protect the religious minorities on both sides of the border.In May 1951, Liaquat visited the United States and set the course of Pakistan's foreign policy towards closer ties with the West. An important event during his premiership was the establishment of National Bank of Pakistan in November 1949, and the installation of a paper currency mill in Karachi.
In January 1951, Liaquat appointed Ayub Khan as the first Pakistani commander-in-chief of the army with the retirement of the British commander, Douglas Gracey. In the same year, an attempted coup was launched against the government by senior military leaders and prominent socialist. Akbar Khan, chief of general staff, was arrested along with 14 other army officers for plotting the coup. This Rawalpindi Conspiracy, as it became known, was the first attempted military coup in Pakistan's history. The arrested conspirators were tried in secret and given lengthy jail sentences.
Municipal Park, where he was assassinated, was renamed Liaquat Bagh (Bagh means park) in his honor.
Criticism and legacy:
Liaqat Ali Khan had many failures. Some were due to his lack of knowledge of the country where he was imposed as the first unelected Prime Minister, other relate to his obsession with the right of rule of the immigrants (Mohajirs from India) over Pakistan. He ruled for five years but did not make a serious attempt to give constitution to the ill fated country. Liaquat Ali Khan has received criticism from the left wing in Pakistan for his pro-Western foreign policies and the restrictions placed on the Communist Party of Pakistan. At the time of his death, the extreme leftist press, such as the Communist Swadhinata, stated: "Liaquat's death only reflects inevitable disaster that overtakes policy of playing lackey to Anglo-American Powers."He was further criticised for not visiting the Soviet Union, whereas he did go the United States. This was perceived as a rebuff to Moscow, and has been traced to profound adverse consequences, including Soviet help to India, most prominently in the 1971 war which ultimately
end to the separation of Bangladesh.
Others argue that Liaquat Ali Khan had wanted Pakistan to remain neutral in the Cold War, as declared three days after Pakistan's independence when he declared that Pakistan would take no sides in the conflict of ideologies between the nations. Former serviceman Shahid M. Amin has argued that the Soviets themselves could not settle convenient dates for a visit, and that, even during his visit to the United States, Liaquat had declared his intention to visit the Soviet Union.Amin also notes that "Failure to visit a country in response to its invitations has hardly ever become the cause of long-term estrangement.
In Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan is regarded as Jinnah's “right hand man” and heir apparent. His role in filling in the vacuum created by Jinnah’s death is seen as decisive in tackling critical problems during Pakistan’s fledgling years and in devising measures for the consolidation of Pakistan. His face is printed on postage stamps across the country.
Liaquat was portrayed by Pakistani actor Shakeel in the 1998 film "Jinnah.
Death:
He died at the hands of an assassin on October 16. 1951 while addressing a public meeting at Rawalpindi and was buried in the courtyard of the Quaid-e-Azam's mausoleum. Last words:His last words are said to have been, "May God keep Pakistan safe."
Addresses:Upon his death, Liaquat Ali Khan was given the honorific title of "Shaheed-e-Millat", or "Martyr of the Nation".
Political party :He has Muslim League
Religion :Islam is his religion
Died: October 16, 1951 (aged 55)Rawalpindi, Pakistan
1st Finance Minister of British India( 17 August 1946 – 14 August 1947) Succeeded by John Mathai 1st Prime Minister of Pakistan (14 August 1947 – 16 October 1951) Preceded by Office Created Succeeded by Khawaja Nazimuddin
1st Foreign Minister of Pakistan (15 August 1947 - 27 December 1947) Succeeded by Muhammad Zafrulla Khan
Liaquat Ali Khan, the second son of Nawab Rustam Ali Khan, was born on October 2, 1896, in Karnal, India, into an aristocratic Punjabi family. His father enjoyed the title of Ruken-ud-Daulah, Shamsher Jang and Nawab Bahadur, bestowed by the British government. Nawab Rustam Ali Khan was one of the few landlords whose property was spread across both the Punjab and the United Provinces. Liaquat's mother, Mahmoodah Begum, arranged for his lessons in the Qur'an and Ahadith at home before his formal schooling started.
He graduated in 1918 from Muhammedan Anglo-Oriental College (later: Aligarh Muslim University), Aligarh, and married his cousin, Jehangira Begum, in 1918. After the death of his father, Liaquat went to England and was awarded a Master's degree from Exeter College, Oxford in 1921. While a student at Oxford University, he was elected Honorary Treasurer of the Indian Majlis. Thereafter he joined the Inner Temple, one of the Inns of Court in London. He was called to the Bar in 1922. Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan was one of the prominent leaders of Pakistan, who nourished the new-born Muslim State with supreme dedication. He laid down his life while serving the nation and thus established a noble tradition of sacrifice to be written in the golden words by the future historians of Pakistan. His sacred blood flowed in the Company Bagh, Rawalpindi on 16th October will ever remain shining on the horizon of Pakistan, inspiring those who destined to devote their life for the cause of the country. The bank balance of Rs 1200, which he left for his family, is a positive proof of his honest living, and his noble character. He set an example to utilise the state exchequer on the national development, instead of personal pursuits. He was the only leader who left in India a large estate and never claimed any compensation for his landed property.
It is very unfortunate that the services and sacrifices of Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan were never fully appreciated by his contemporaries, who deliberately denied his importance and tried to suppress the sympathy manifested and maintained by the people of Pakistan. The present regime, while celebrating the year 2003 as the year of Madar-i-Millat Mohtarama Fatima Jinnah has established a good example of presenting homage to the heroes, which ought to be followed by the successive governments. Liaquat Ali deserves to be remembered as one of the great leaders of Pakistan Movement in a befitting manner.
His father, Nawab Rustam Ali Khan, enjoyed the title of Ruken-ud-Daulah, Shamsher Jang and Nawab Bahadur, bestowed by the British government. He was one of the few landlords whose landed property was spread in the two Provinces of India; Punjab and UP. He was brought up in the enlightened atmosphere.
Liaquat Ali Khan seemed to have been far sighted even in his schools days. He realised that if he was to become an important person in life, he must achieve high education and if possible, proceed to England for higher studies, after having graduated in India. Accordingly, he pleaded with his father to allow him to join Aligarh College for his B A, a request that his father willingly conceded, and in that year Liaquat Ali Khan came to be a student at Mohammadan Anglo Oriental College, Aligarh. After studying at Aligarh for some time, he joined a college in Allahabad, from where he obtained his B A Degree in 1918.
After the death of his father Liaquat Ali Khan went to England for higher studies. He joined Exeter College of the Oxford University and obtained Masters Degree from that University in 1921. Thereafter he joined the Inner Temple, from where he was called to the Bar in 1922. While a student at Oxford he took an active part in debates organised by the Indian Majlis, of which he was later on elected Honorary Treasurer.
After returning to India he instead of adopting a lucrative career, decided to enter politics intending to serve his community. Liaquat joined the All India Muslim League in 1923. He was elected a member of the UP Legislative Council from the Rural Muslim Constituency of Muzzafarnagar in 1926 and soon established himself as a promising Muslim politician. In 1932, he was elected the Deputy President of UP Legislative Council, unanimously.
Liaquat came into close contact with Quaid-i-Azam in 1933 when he visited England with his bride, Rana Liaquat Ali. Previously he was invited by the Quaid to participate in the All India National Convention held at Calcutta in the last week of December 1928, which rejected Quaid's compromising formula for communal co-operation and consequently alienated him from the Congress for ever. The couple was entertained by the Quaid who, disappointed and dejected from the political scenario of India, settled in England after the failure of 3rd Round Table Conference. Liaquat argued about Quaid's return to India stressing that: "you must come back. The people need you. You alone can put new life into the League and save it."
On Quaid-i-Azam's return to India after a self-imposed temporary retirement, he became to be more and more impressed with the qualities of leadership that were inherent in Liaquat Ali Khan. The annual session of the All India Muslim League met at Bombay on 12th April 1936. The question arose of electing a new General Secretary. Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan was a favourite for that office and every one felt convinced that the Raja Saheb would be elected. But Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan had caught the eye of the Quaid as a suitable person to hold that difficult post. The Quaid let his choice be known to some of the leaders, and the name of Liaquat Ali Khan began to gather more and more support... The result was that in the open session. on 12th of April 1936, Quaid-i-Azam himself moved a resolution, proposing Liaquat Ali Khan to be the Honorary Secretary. The Quaid said: "Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan is my right hand". He paid very high compliments to the untiring work put in by Liaquat. He continued: "Liaquat Ali Khan
has worked and served the League day and night, and that it was beyond the capacity of any one man to shoulder the burden and responsibility of work that he had been called upon to do. He said he could not think of any one else better suited for the post than Liaquat Ali Khan, whose name was before the meeting." He commands the universal respect and confidence of the Muslims of India." ....The resolution was unanimously adopted amid thunderous applause.
The resolution said, "Resolved that Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan Saheb, Deputy President, UP Legislative Council, be elected Honorary Secretary of the All India Muslim League for the next term, of three years". This resolution, seconded by Sir Mohammad Yakub, was unanimously adopted, and the Nawabzada became for the first time, General Secretary of the All India Muslim League. He continued to hold this important and vital office in the organisation from 1936 right up to 1947. It was only after partition that another General Secretary was elected.... Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan was one of the most trusted lieutenants of the Quaid.
On the 14th of August 1947, Pakistan came into existence as an independent sovereign Muslim State. On the 15th, was issued the first notification of the Government of Pakistan, wherein it was notified that Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah "has been appointed by His Majesty to be the Governor-General of Pakistan". Another notification, issued on the same day, said that "The Governor-General has been graciously pleased to appoint Liaquat Ali Khan, I I Chundrigar, Ghulam Mohammad, Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar, Ghazanfar Ali Khan, Jogendra Nath Mandal, Fazlur Rahman to be ministers of the Government of Pakistan". Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan was designated in the notification to be the Prime Minister and in charge of Foreign Affairs and Commonwealth Relations and Defence.
Being the first Prime Minister of a new country, starting from scratch, was no easy job. But the Quaid-i-Millat proved equal to the task; he shouldered his difficult responsibilities with the determination of a dedicated patriot. When about a year after the independence, we lost the Founder of Nation, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan's responsibilities increased a hundred fold Liaquat was in every way a worthy successor (to the Quaid).
Jinnah's death emboldened India to go on the offensive in a big way. Within twelve hours of Jinnah's burial, it mounted an invasion of Hyderabad state, and occupied the state within five days. In September 1949, India imposed a trade embargo, putting Pakistan to serious economic strains since India was at that time the largest buyer of Pakistan jute, the country's premier cash crop, and the main supplier of coal to Pakistan. In early 1950, the Indian Prime Minister threatened to use "other methods" in East Pakistan, and India troops were massed within a striking distance of East Pakistan, in order to pressure Pakistan into accepting New Delhi's dictate on the minorities question. Again, in July 1951, India massed its troops on West Pakistan borders. Each time Liaquat stood his ground, took effective measures to counter the Indian moves, showed courage, determination and statesmanship, and galvanised the nation as a solid Phalanx.
The credit for presenting Objective Resolution and putting the foundation of Modern Islamic Constitution goes to Liaquat Ali Khan. The Objective Resolution affirms that "the state shall exercise its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people." "This", argued Liaquat, "is very essence of democracy, because the people have been recognised as the recipients of all authority and it is in them that the power to wield it has been vested."
Liaquat Ali Khan further emphasised that, "Islam does not recognise either priesthood or any sacerdotal authority, and, therefore, the question of a theocracy simply does not arise in Islam. If there are any who still use the word theocracy in the same breath as the policy of Pakistan they are either labouring under a grave misapprehension, or indulging in mischievous propaganda."
Liaquat Ali Khan discussing the form of Government to be introduced in Pakistan said "We want to build up a truly liberal government where the greatest amount of freedom will be given to all its members. Everyone will be equal before the law, but this does not mean that his personal law will not be protected. We believe in the equality of status and justice. At present our masses are poor and illiterate. We must raise their standards of life, and free them from the shackles of poverty and ignorance."
He initiated polices designed to enable Pakistan to play its due rule in the comity of nations and world forums. He strengthened Pakistan's still tentative links with several Muslim countries, extended support to liberation movements in Indonesia, Malaysia, Sudan, Libya, Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria and Nigeria, called the first International Islamic Economic Conference in early 1951, which was attended by, among other, the Grand Mufti of Palestine, Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia, and Abdullah Usman of Somalia.
He used his diplomatic skills to win support abroad for Pakistan in its disputes with India, especially on Kashmir. When the Commonwealth prime minister were found lukewarm in discussing these disputes and suggesting solutions, he took a bold stand: he refused to attend the third Commonwealth Conference in 1950 unless Kashmir was put on the agenda. Likewise, he was successful in selling Pakistan's viewpoint during his crucial official visit to the United States in May 1950.
As he said, "Barathran-e-Millat", there was the sound of pistol shot, Liaquat Al Khan put his right hand on his heart. He whispered faintly, "Allah", Then he recited the Kalimah, and his last words were "May God protect Pakistan". The assassin was killed on the spot. Shaheed-i-Millat was taken in a car to the Combined Military Hospital, where the doctors pronounced him dead. By this supreme sacrifice, the Quaid-i-Millat earned for himself the immortal title of "Shaheed-i-Millat".
Liaquat's untimely death still surrounded in mystery. It was a great national tragedy. However, justice was never done to the benefactor of Pakistan, who left behind the immortal message: "God save Pakistan". It was the first political murder in the history of Pakistan. It is alleged that assassination was conspired by those were selfish adventurers, who wanted to capture the power by hook or by crook. Since then it has become a tradition to suppress the conclusive evidence, pending the case to be forgotten by the people with the passage of time. Liaquat Ali Khan was no doubt a martyr and his name will remain shining forever on the horizon of Pakistan.
Political career: Liaquat Ali Khan with his family.On his return from Britain in 1923, Liaquat entered politics, determined to eradicate what he saw as the injustices and ill treatment meted out to the Indian Muslims under the British. In his early life, Liaquat believed in Indian Nationalism. His views gradually changed. The Congress leaders asked him to join their party, but he refused and joined the Muslim League in 1923. Under the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Muslim League held its annual session in May 1924 in Lahore. The aim of this session was to revive the League. Liaquat was among those who attended this conference.
Liaquat began his parliamentary career as an elected member of the United Provinces Legislative Council from the rural Muslim constituency of Muzzafarnagar in 1926. In 1932, he was unanimously elected Deputy President of UP Legislative Council. He remained a member of the UP Legislative Council until 1940, when he was elected to the Central Legislative Assembly.
Liaquat took active part in legislative affairs. He was one of the members of the Muslim League delegation that attended the National Convention held at Calcutta to discuss the Nehru Report in December 1928.
Liaquat's second marriage took place in December 1932. His wife Begum Ra'ana was a prominent economist and an educator. She, too, was an influential figure in the Pakistan movement.
Following the failure of the Round Table Conferences, Muhammad Ali Jinnah had settled in London and was practicing law before the Privy Council. Liaquat and his wife had a number of meetings with Jinnah and convinced him to come back to India to take up the leadership of the Muslims of the region.
Pakistan movement:
When Muhammad Ali Jinnah returned to India, he started to reorganise the Muslim League. In 1936, the annual session of the All India Muslim league met in Bombay. In the open session on 12 April 1936, Jinnah moved a resolution proposing Liaquat Ali Khan as the Honorary General Secretary. The resolution was unanimously adopted and he held the office till the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. In 1940, Liaquat was made the deputy leader of the Muslim League Parliamentary party. Jinnah was not able to take active part in the proceedings of the Assembly on account of his heavy political work. It was Liaquat Ali Khan who stood in his place. During this period, Liaquat was also the Honorary General Secretary of the Muslim League, the deputy leader of their party, Convenor of the Action Committee of the Muslim League, Chairman of the Central Parliamentary Board and the managing director of the newspaper Dawn.
The Pakistan Resolution was adopted in 1940 at the Lahore session of the Muslim League. The same year elections were held for the central legislative assembly which were contested by Liaquat from the Barielly constituency. He was elected without contest. When the twenty-eighth session of the League met in Madras on 12 April 1941, Jinnah told party members that the ultimate aim was to obtain Pakistan. In this session, Liaquat moved a resolution incorporating the objectives of the Pakistan Resolution in the 'aims and objectives of the Muslim League'. The resolution was seconded and passed unanimously.
In 1945-46, mass elections were held in India and Liaquat won the Central Legislature election from the Meerut Constituency in the United Provinces. He was also elected Chairman of the League's Central Parliamentary Board. The Muslim League won 87% of seats reserved for Muslims of the sub-continent. He assisted Jinnah in his negotiations with the members of the Cabinet Mission and the leaders of the Congress during the final phases of the Freedom Movement and it was decided that an interim government would be formed consisting of members of the Congress, the Muslim League and minority leaders. When the Government asked the Muslim League to send their nominees for representation in the interim government, Liaquat Ali was asked to lead the League group in the cabinet. He was given the portfolio of finance. By this point, the outgoing British government of India and the Indian National Congress had both accepted the idea of Pakistan and therefore on August 14, 1947, Pakistan came into existence.
Liaquat Ali Khan as Prime Minister: Liaquat Ali Khan signs the register as the first Prime Minister of Pakistan.After independence, Liaquat Ali Khan was appointed the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. Pakistan faced a number of difficulties in its early days. Liaquat and Jinnah were determined to stop the riots and refugee problems and to set up an effective administrative system for the country. Liaquat established the groundwork for Pakistan's foreign policy. He also took steps towards the formulation of the constitution. He presented The Objectives Resolution, a prelude to future constitutions, in the Legislative Assembly. The house passed it on March 12, 1949. It has been described as the "Magna Carta" of Pakistan's constitutional history. Liaquat called it "the most important occasion in the life of this country, next in importance, only to the achievement of independence". Under his leadership a team also drafted the first report of the Basic Principle Committee and work began on the second report.
During his tenure, India and Pakistan agreed to resolve the dispute of Kashmir in a peaceful manner through the efforts of the United Nations. According to this agreement a ceasefire was effected in Kashmir on January 1, 1949. It was decided that a free and impartial plebiscite would be held under the supervision of the UN.
After the death of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the problem of religious minorities flared during late 1949 and early 1950, and observers feared that India and Pakistan were about to fight their second war in the first three years of their independence. At this time, Liaquat met Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to sign the Liaquat-Nehru Pact in 1950. The pact was an effort to improve relations and reduce tension between India and Pakistan, and to protect the religious minorities on both sides of the border.In May 1951, Liaquat visited the United States and set the course of Pakistan's foreign policy towards closer ties with the West. An important event during his premiership was the establishment of National Bank of Pakistan in November 1949, and the installation of a paper currency mill in Karachi.
In January 1951, Liaquat appointed Ayub Khan as the first Pakistani commander-in-chief of the army with the retirement of the British commander, Douglas Gracey. In the same year, an attempted coup was launched against the government by senior military leaders and prominent socialist. Akbar Khan, chief of general staff, was arrested along with 14 other army officers for plotting the coup. This Rawalpindi Conspiracy, as it became known, was the first attempted military coup in Pakistan's history. The arrested conspirators were tried in secret and given lengthy jail sentences.
Municipal Park, where he was assassinated, was renamed Liaquat Bagh (Bagh means park) in his honor.
Criticism and legacy:
Liaqat Ali Khan had many failures. Some were due to his lack of knowledge of the country where he was imposed as the first unelected Prime Minister, other relate to his obsession with the right of rule of the immigrants (Mohajirs from India) over Pakistan. He ruled for five years but did not make a serious attempt to give constitution to the ill fated country. Liaquat Ali Khan has received criticism from the left wing in Pakistan for his pro-Western foreign policies and the restrictions placed on the Communist Party of Pakistan. At the time of his death, the extreme leftist press, such as the Communist Swadhinata, stated: "Liaquat's death only reflects inevitable disaster that overtakes policy of playing lackey to Anglo-American Powers."He was further criticised for not visiting the Soviet Union, whereas he did go the United States. This was perceived as a rebuff to Moscow, and has been traced to profound adverse consequences, including Soviet help to India, most prominently in the 1971 war which ultimately
end to the separation of Bangladesh.
Others argue that Liaquat Ali Khan had wanted Pakistan to remain neutral in the Cold War, as declared three days after Pakistan's independence when he declared that Pakistan would take no sides in the conflict of ideologies between the nations. Former serviceman Shahid M. Amin has argued that the Soviets themselves could not settle convenient dates for a visit, and that, even during his visit to the United States, Liaquat had declared his intention to visit the Soviet Union.Amin also notes that "Failure to visit a country in response to its invitations has hardly ever become the cause of long-term estrangement.
In Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan is regarded as Jinnah's “right hand man” and heir apparent. His role in filling in the vacuum created by Jinnah’s death is seen as decisive in tackling critical problems during Pakistan’s fledgling years and in devising measures for the consolidation of Pakistan. His face is printed on postage stamps across the country.
Liaquat was portrayed by Pakistani actor Shakeel in the 1998 film "Jinnah.
Death:
He died at the hands of an assassin on October 16. 1951 while addressing a public meeting at Rawalpindi and was buried in the courtyard of the Quaid-e-Azam's mausoleum. Last words:His last words are said to have been, "May God keep Pakistan safe."
Addresses:Upon his death, Liaquat Ali Khan was given the honorific title of "Shaheed-e-Millat", or "Martyr of the Nation".
mirza ghalib
Mirza Ghalib Born: 27 December 1797 Agra Died: 15 February 1869 (aged 72) Delhi Pen name: Asad, Ghalib Occupation: Poet Nationality :Indian
Writing period: Mughal era
Genres: Ghazal
Subjects: Love, Philosophy Influences:
Meer Taqi Meer, Abdul-Qader Bedil Influenced:
Urdu poetry, Maulana Hali, Bahadur Shah Zafar II, Faiz
Meaning: Dabeer-ul-Mulk, Najm-ud-daulah Mirza Asadullah Baig Khan , pen-name Ghalib (ghalib means dominant) and (former pen-name) Asad (Urdu/Persian: asad means lion) , was an all time great classical Urdu and Persian poet of the Indian subcontinent. Most notably, he wrote several ghazals during his life, which have since been interpreted and sung in many different ways by different people. He is considered to be the most popular and influential poet of the Urdu language.
Life:
Mirza Asadullah Beg -- known to posterity as Ghalib, a nom de plume he adopted in the tradition of all classical Urdu poets, was born in the city of Agra, of parents with Turkish aristocratic ancestry, on December 27th, 1797. As to the precise date, Imtiyaz Ali Arshi has conjectured, on the basis of Ghalib's horoscope, that the poet might have been born a month later, in January 1798. When he was only five years old, his father, Abdullah Beg Khan died in a battle while working under Rao Raja Bakhtwar Singh of Alwar and his uncle Nasrullah Beg Khan took charge of him. But he lost his uncle also at the tender age of eight.
The death of his father and uncle during his early youth left Ghalib with no male-dominant figures. He then moved to Delhi.
Ghalib's early education has always been a matter of confusion. There are no known records of his formal education, although it was known that his circle of friends in Delhi had some of the most intelligent minds of the time.
Around 1810, he was married into a family of nobles, at the age of thirteen. He had seven children, none of whom survived (this pain has found its echo in some of Ghalib's ghazals). There are conflicting reports regarding his relationship with his wife. She was considered to be pious, conservative and God-fearing while Ghalib was carefree, unconventional, and arguably, not very religious in the strict sense of the word.
Ghalib never worked as such for a livelihood. He lived on either state patronage, credit or the generosity of his friends. His fame came to him posthumously. He had himself remarked during his lifetime that although his age had ignored his greatness, it would be recognized by later generations. History has vindicated his claim. He also is arguably the most "written about" of all Urdu poets.
Contemporaries and disciples:
Ghalib's closest rival was poet Zauq, tutor of Bahadur Shah Zafar II, the then emperor of India with his seat in Delhi. There are some amusing anecdotes of the competition between Ghalib and Zauq and exchange of jibes between them. However, there was mutual respect for each other's talent. Both also admired and acknowledged the supremacy of Meer Taqi Meer, a towering figure of 18th century Urdu Poetry. Another poet Momin, whose ghazals had a distinctly lyrical flavour, was also a famous contemporary of Ghalib. Ghalib was not only a poet, he was also a prolific prose writer. His letters are a reflection of the political and social climate of the time. They also refer to many contemporaries like Mir Mehdi Majrooh, who himself was a good poet and Ghalib's life-long acquaintance.
Ghalib's poetry: a photograph of Mirza GhalibAlthough Ghalib wrote in Persian as well, he is more famous for his ghazals written in Urdu. It is believed he wrote most of his popular ghazals by age nineteen. His ghazals, unlike those of Meer Taqi Meer, contain highly Persianised Urdu, and are therefore not easily understood or appreciated by a vast majority of people without some extra effort. Numerous elucidations of Ghalib's collection of ghazals have therefore, been written by Urdu scholars. The first such elucidation or Sharh was written by Ali Haider Nazm Tabatabai of Hyderabad during the rule of the last Nizam of Hyderabad. Before Ghalib, the ghazal was primarily an expression of anguished love; but Ghalib expressed philosophy, the travails and mysteries of life and wrote ghazals on many other subjects, vastly expanding the scope of the Ghazal. This, together with his many masterpieces, will forever remain his paramount contribution to Urdu Poetry and Literature.
In keeping with the conventions of the classical Ghazal, in most of Ghalib's verses, the identity and the gender of the beloved is indeterminate. The beloved could be a beautiful woman, or a beautiful boy, or even God. As the renowned critic/poet/writer Shamsur Rahman Faruqui explains, since the convention of having the "idea" of a lover or beloved instead of an actual lover/beloved, freed the poet-protagonist-lover from the demands of "realism", love poetry in Urdu from the last quarter of the seventeenth century onwards, consists mostly of "poems about love" and not "love poems" in the Western sense of the term. Ghalib's poetry is a fine illustration of this. Ghalib also excels in deeply introspective and philosophical verses.
The first complete English translation of Ghalib's love poems (ghazals) was written by Sarfaraz K. Niazi and published by Rupa & Co in India and Ferozsons in Pakistan. The title of this book is Love Sonnets of Ghalib and it contains complete roman transliteration, explication and an extensive lexicon.
His Letters:
Not only Urdu poetry but the prose is also indebted to Mirza Ghalib. His letters gave foundation to easy and popular Urdu. Before Ghalib, letter writing in Urdu was highly ornamental. He made his letters "talk" by using words and sentences as if he were conversing with the reader. According to him "sau kos se ba-zaban-e-qalam baatein kiya karo aur hijr mein visaal ke maze liya karo" [ from hundred of miles talk with the tongue of the pen and enjoy the joy of meeting even when you are separated] His letters were very informal, some times he would just write the name of the person and start the letter. He himself was very humorous and also made his letter very interesting. He said "main koshish karta hoon keh koi aisi baat likhoon jo parhay khoosh ho jaaye" [ I want to write the lines that whoever reads those should enjoy it] When the third wife of one of his friends died, he wrote... "Allah allah aik woh log hain jo teen teen dafah iss qaid say chhoot chu-kain hain aur aik hum hain keh aik ag-lay pachas baras
say jo phansi ka phanda ga-lay mein parha hai to nah phanda hi tut-ta hai nah dum hi nikalta hai" [Allah Allah, there are some among us who have been freed from this prison three times and I have for the past 50 years this rope around my neck; neither this rope breaks nor it takes my life] Some scholar says that Ghalib would have the same place in Urdu literature if only on the basis of his letters.They have been beautifully translated into English by Ralph Russell, The Oxford Ghalib.
His Takhallus:
His original Takhallus (pen-name) was Asad, drawn from his given name, Asadullah Khan. At some point early in his poetic career he also decided to adopt the takhallus 'Ghalib' (meaning all conquering, superior, most excellent).
Popular legend has it that he changed his nom de plume(pen name) to 'Ghalib' when he came across this sher (couplet) by another poet who used the takhallus(pen name) 'Asad':
Asad us jafaa par butoN say wafaa kimire sher shabaash rahmat Khudaa ki
Asad worshipped idols after being betrayed.my poems(thank you,)are, the mercy of GOD.
The legend says that upon hearing this couplet, Ghalib ruefully exclaimed, "whoever authored this couplet does indeed deserve the Lord's rahmat (mercy) (for having composed such a deplorable specimen of Urdu poetry). If I use the takhallus Asad, then surely (people will mistake this couplet to be mine and) there will be much la'anat (curse) on me!" And, saying so, he changed his takhallus to 'Ghalib'.
However, this legend is little more than a figment of the legend-creator's imagination. Extensive research performed by commentators and scholars of Ghalib's works, notably Imtiyaz Ali Arshi and Kalidas Gupta Raza, has succeeded in identifying the chronology of Ghalib's published work (sometimes down to the exact calendar day!). Although the takhallus 'Asad' appears more infrequently in Ghalib's work than 'Ghalib', it appears that he did use both his noms de plume interchangeably throughout his career and did not seem to prefer either one over the other.
Media: Film,TV serial and Plays based on Ghalib
Indian Cinema has paid a tribute to the legendary poet through a film (in sepia/black and white) named Mirza Ghalib (1954) in which Bharat Bhushan plays Ghalib and Suraiya plays his courtesan lover, Chaudvin. The musical score of the film was composed by Ghulam Mohammed and his compositions of Ghalib's famous ghazals are likely to remain everlasting favorites.
Pakistan Cinema has also paid tribute to the legendary poet through another film also named Mirza Ghalib. The film was directed by M.M. Billoo Mehra and produced as well by M.M. Billoo Mehra for S.K. Pictures. The music was composed by Tassaduq Hussain. The film starred Pakistan film superstar Sudhir playing Ghalib and Madam Noor Jehan playing his courtesan lover, Chaudvin. The film was released on November 24, 1961 and reached average status at the box-office, however, the music remains memorable in Pakistan to this day.
Gulzar produced a TV serial titled Mirza Ghalib. It was telecast on DD National and was quite well-accepted and liked by viewers. Naseeruddin Shah played Ghalib in the serial. The ghazals were sung by Jagjit Singh and Chitra singh.
The Pakistan government in 1969 commissioned Khaliq Ibrahim (died 2006) to make a documentary on Mirza Ghalib. The movie was completed in 1971-2, and is regarded as a masterpiece. It is said, that the movie--a docu-drama--was historically more correct than what the official Pakistan government point of view was. Thus, it was never released. Till this date, barring a few private viewing, the movie is lying with the Department of Films and Publication, Government of Pakistan. The movie was made on 16 mm format. Ghalib's role was played by actor Subhani Bayunus, who later played this role in many TV productions.
Various Theatre groups have staged various plays related to the life of Mirza Ghalib,have shown different life styles and the way he used to live his life.
Mirza Asadullah Beg Khan -- known to posterity as Ghalib, a `nom de plume' he adopted in the tradition of all classical Urdu poets, was born in the city of Agra, of parents with Turkish aristocratic ancestry, probably on December 27th, 1797. As to the precise date, Imtiyaz Ali Arshi has conjectured, on the basis of Ghalib's horoscope, that the poet might have been born a month later, in January 1798.
Both his father and uncle died while he was still young, and he spent a good part of his early boyhood with his mother's family. This, of course, began a psychology of ambivalences for him. On the one hand, he grew up relatively free of any oppressive dominance by adult, male-dominant figures. This, it seems to me, accounts for at least some of the independent spirit he showed from very early child- hood. On the other hand, this placed him in the humiliating situation of being socially and economically dependent on maternal grandparents, giving him, one can surmise, a sense that whatever worldly goods he received were a matter of charity and not legitimately his. His pre- occupation in later life with finding secure, legitimate, and comfortable means of livelihood can be perhaps at least partially understood in terms of this early uncertainty.
The question of Ghalib's early education has often confused Urdu scholars. Although any record of his formal education that might exist is extremely scanty, it is also true that Ghalib's circle of friends in Delhi included some of the most eminent minds of his time. There is, finally, irrevocably, the evidence of his writings, in verse as well as in prose, which are distinguished not only by creative excellence but also by the great knowledge of philosophy, ethics, theology, classical literature, grammar, and history that they reflect.
I think it is reasonable to believe that Mulla Abdussamad Harmuzd -- the man who was supposedly Ghalib's tutor, whom Ghalib mentions at times with great affection and respect, but whose very existence he denies -- was, in fact, a real person and an actual tutor of Ghalib when Ghalib was a young boy in Agra. Harmuzd was a Zoroastrian from Iran, converted to Islam, and a devoted scholar of literature, language, and religions. He lived in anonymity in Agra while tutoring Ghalib, among others.
In or around 1810, two events of great importance occurred in Ghalib's life: he was married to a well-to-do, educated family of nobles, and he left for Delhi. One must remember that Ghalib was only thirteen at the time. It is impossible to say when Ghalib started writing poetry. Perhaps it was as early as his seventh or eight years.
On the other hand, there is evidence that most of what we know as his complete works were substantially completed by 1816, when he was 19 years old, and six years after he first came to Delhi. We are obviously dealing with a man whose maturation was both early and rapid. We can safely conjecture that the migration from Agra, which had once been a capital but was now one of the many important but declining cities, to Delhi, its grandeur kept intact by the existence of the Moghul court, was an important event in the life of this thirteen year old, newly married poet who desperately needed material security, who was beginning to take his career in letters seriously, and who was soon to be recognized as a genius, if not by the court, at least some of his most important contemporaries. As for the marriage, in the predominantly male-oriented society of Muslim India no one could expect Ghalib to take that event terribly seriously, and he didn't. The period did, however mark the beginnings of concern with material ad
vancement that was to obsess him for the rest of his life.
In Delhi Ghalib lived a life of comfort, though he did not find immediate or great success. He wrote first in a style at once detached, obscure , and pedantic, but soon thereafter he adopted the fastidious, personal, complexly moral idiom which we now know as his mature style. It is astonishing that he should have gone from sheer precocity to the extremes of verbal ingenuity and obscurity, to a style which, next to Meer's, is the most important and comprehensive styles of the ghazal in the Urdu language before he was even twenty.
The course of his life from 1821 onward is easier to trace. His interest began to shift decisively away from Urdu poetry to Persian during the 1820's, and he soon abandoned writing in Urdu almost altogether, except whenever a new edition of his works was forthcoming and he was inclined to make changes, deletions, or additions to his already existing opus. This remained the pattern of his work until 1847, the year in which he gained direct access to the Moghul court. I think it is safe to say that throughout these years Ghalib was mainly occupied with the composition of the Persian verse, with the preparation of occasional editions of his Urdu works which remained essentially the same in content, and with various intricate and exhausting proceedings undertaken with a view to improving his financial situation, these last consisting mainly of petitions to patrons and government, including the British. Although very different in style and procedure, Ghalib's obsession with material means, and the accompanying
sense of personal insecurity which seems to threaten the very basis of selfhood, reminds one of Baudelaire. There is, through the years, the same self-absorption, the same overpowering sense of terror which comes from the necessities of one's own creativity and intelligence, the same illusion -- never really believed viscerally -- that if one could be released from need one could perhaps become a better artist. There is same flood of complaints, and finally the same triumph of a self which is at once morbid, elegant, highly creative, and almost doomed to realize the terms not only of its desperation but also its distinction.
Ghalib was never really a part of the court except in its very last years, and even then with ambivalence on both sides . There was no love lost between Ghalib himself and Zauq, the king's tutor in the writing of poetry; and if their mutual dislike was not often openly expressed, it was a matter of prudence only. There is reason to believe that Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Moghul king, and himself a poet of considerable merit, did not much care for Ghalib's style of poetry or life. There is also reason to believe that Ghalib not only regarded his own necessary subservient conduct in relation to the king as humiliating but he also considered the Moghul court as a redundant institution. Nor was he well-known for admiring the king's verses. However, after Zauq's death Ghalib did gain an appointment as the king's advisor on matters of versification. He was also appointed, by royal order, to write the official history of the Moghul dynasty, a project which was to be titled "Partavistan" and to fill two volumes. The one volume "Mehr-e-NeemRoz", which Ghalib completed is an indifferent work, and the second volume was never completed, supposedly because of the great disturbances caused by the Revolt of 1857 and the consequent termination of the Moghul rule. Possibly Ghalib's own lack of interest in the later Moghul kings had something to do with it.
The only favorable result of his connection with the court between 1847 and 1857 was that he resumed writing in Urdu with a frequency not experienced since the early 1820's. Many of these new poems are not panegyrics, or occasional verses to celebrate this or that. He did, however, write many ghazals which are of the same excellence and temper as his early great work. In fact, it is astonishing that a man who had more or less given up writing in Urdu thirty years before should, in a totally different time and circumstance, produce work that is, on the whole, neither worse nor better than his earlier work. One wonders just how many great poems were permanently lost to Urdu when Ghalib chose to turn to Persian instead.
In its material dimensions, Ghalib's life never really took root and remained always curiously unfinished. In a society where almost everybody seems to have a house of his own, Ghalib never had one and always rented one or accepted the use of one from a patron. He never had books of his own, usually reading borrowed ones. He had no children; the ones he had, died in infancy, and he later adopted the two children of Arif, his wife's nephew who died young in 1852.
Ghalib's one wish, perhaps as strong as the wish to be a great poet, that he should have a regular, secure income, never materialized. His brother Yusuf, went mad in 1826, and died, still mad, in that year of all misfortunes, 1857. His relations with his wife were, at best, tentative, obscure and indifferent. Given the social structure of mid-nineteenth-century Muslim India, it is, of course, inconceivable that *any* marriage could have even begun to satisfy the moral and intellectual intensities that Ghalib required from his relationships; given that social order, however, he could not conceive that his marriage could serve that function. And one has to confront the fact that the child never died who, deprived of the security of having a father in a male-oriented society, had had looked for material but also moral certainties -- not certitudes, but certainties, something that he can stake his life on. So, when reading his poetry it must be remembered that it is the poetry of more than usually vulnerableexistence.
It is difficult to say precisely what Ghalib's attitude was toward the British conquest of India. The evidence is not only contradictory but also incomplete. First of all, one has to realize that nationalism as we know it today was simply non-existent in nineteenth-century India. Second --one has to remember -- no matter how offensive it is to some -- that even prior to the British, India had a long history of invaders who created empires which were eventu- ally considered legitimate. The Moghuls themselves were such invaders. Given these two facts, it would be unreasonable to expect Ghalib to have a clear ideological response to the British invasion. There is also evidence, quite clearly deducible from his letters, that Ghalib was aware, on the one hand, of the redundancy, the intrigues, the sheer poverty of sophistication and intellectual potential, and the lack of humane responses from the Moghul court, and, on the other, of the powers of rationalism and scientific progress of the West.
Ghalib had many attitudes toward the British, most of them complicated and quite contradictory. His diary of 1857, the "Dast-Ambooh" is a pro-British document, criticizing the British here and there for excessively harsh rule but expressing, on the whole, horror at the tactics of the resistance forces. His letters, however, are some of the most graphic and vivid accounts of British violence that we possess. We also know that "Dast-Ambooh" was always meant to be a document that Ghalib would make public, not only to the Indian Press but specifically to the British authorities. And he even wanted to send a copy of it to Queen Victoria. His letters, are to the contr- ary, written to people he trusted very much, people who were his friends and would not divulge their contents to the British authorities. As Imtiyaz Ali Arshi has shown (at least to my satisfaction), whenever Ghalib feared the intimate, anti-British contents of his letters might not remain private, he requested their destruction, as he did in th case
of the Nawab of Rampur. I think it is reasonable to conjecture that the diary, the "Dast-Ambooh", is a document put together by a frightened man who was looking for avenues of safety and forging versions of his own experience in order to please his oppressors, whereas the letters, those private documents of one-to-one intimacy, are more real in the expression of what Ghalib was in fact feeling at the time. And what he was feeling, according to the letters, was horror at the wholesale violence practiced by the British.
Yet, matters are not so simple as that either. We cannot explain things away in terms of altogether honest letters and an altogether dishonest diary. Human and intellectual responses are more complex. The fact that Ghalib, like many other Indians at the time, admired British, and therefore Western, rationalism as expressed in constitutional law, city planning and more. His trip to Calcutta (1828-29) had done much to convince him of the immediate values of Western pragmatism. This immensely curious and human man from the narrow streets of a decaying Delhi, had suddenly been flung into the broad, well-planned avenues of 1828 Calcutta -- from the aging Moghul capital to the new, prosperous and clean capital of the rising British power, and , given the precociousness of his mind, he had not only walked on clean streets, but had also asked the fundamental questions about the sort of mind that planned that sort of city. In short, he was impressed by much that was British.
In Calcutta he saw cleanliness, good city planning, prosperity. He was fascinated by the quality of the Western mind which was rational and could conceive of constitutional government, republicanism, skepticism. The Western mind was attractive particularly to one who, although fully imbued with his feudal and Muslim background, was also attracted by wider intelligence like the one that Western scientific thought offered: good rationalism promised to be good government. The sense that this very rationalism, the very mind that had planned the first modern city in India, was also in the service of a brutal and brutalizing mercantile ethic which was to produce not a humane society but an empire, began to come to Ghalib only when the onslaught of 1857 caught up with the Delhi of his own friends. Whatever admiration he had ever felt for the British was seriously brought into question by the events of that year, more particularly by the mercilessness of the British in their dealings with those who participated in or
sympathized with the Revolt. This is no place to go into the details of the massacre; I will refer here only to the recent researches of Dr. Ashraf (Ashraf, K.M., "Ghalib & The Revolt of 1857", in Rebellion 1857, ed., P.C. Joshi, 1957), in India, which prove that at least 27,000 persons were hanged during the summer of that one year, and Ghalib witnessed it all. It was obviously impossible for him to reconcile this conduct with whatever humanity and progressive ideals he had ever expected the British to have possessed. His letters tell of his terrible dissatisfaction.
Ghalib's ambivalence toward the British possibly represents a characteristic dilemma of the Indian --- indeed, the Asian --people. Whereas they are fascinated by the liberalism of the Western mind and virtually seduced by the possibility that Western science and technology might be the answer to poverty and other problems of their material existence, they feel a very deep repugnance for forms and intensities of violence which are also peculiarly Western. Ghalib was probably not as fully aware of his dilemma as the intellectuals of today might be; to assign such awareness to a mid-nineteenth-century mind would be to violate it by denying the very terms -- which means limitations --, as well -- of its existence. His bewilderment at the extent of the
destruction caused by the very people of whose humanity he had been convinced can , however, be understood in terms of this basic ambivalence.
The years between 1857 and 1869 were neither happy nor very eventful ones for Ghalib. During the revolt itself, Ghalib remained pretty much confined to his house, undoubtedly frightened by the wholesale massacres in the city. Many of his friends were hanged, deprived of their fortunes, exiled from the city, or detained in jails. By October 1858, he had completed his diary of the Revolt, the "Dast-Ambooh", published it, and presented copies of it to the British authorities, mainly with the purpose of proving that he had not supported the insurrections. Although his life and immediate possessions were spared, little value was attached to his writings; he was flatly that he was still suspected of having had loyalties toward the Moghul king. During the ensuing years, his main source of income continued to be the stipend he got from the Nawab of Rampur. "Ud-i-Hindi", the first collection of his letters, was published in October 1868.
Death:He died in Delhi on February 15th, 1869.
Writing period: Mughal era
Genres: Ghazal
Subjects: Love, Philosophy Influences:
Meer Taqi Meer, Abdul-Qader Bedil Influenced:
Urdu poetry, Maulana Hali, Bahadur Shah Zafar II, Faiz
Meaning: Dabeer-ul-Mulk, Najm-ud-daulah Mirza Asadullah Baig Khan , pen-name Ghalib (ghalib means dominant) and (former pen-name) Asad (Urdu/Persian: asad means lion) , was an all time great classical Urdu and Persian poet of the Indian subcontinent. Most notably, he wrote several ghazals during his life, which have since been interpreted and sung in many different ways by different people. He is considered to be the most popular and influential poet of the Urdu language.
Life:
Mirza Asadullah Beg -- known to posterity as Ghalib, a nom de plume he adopted in the tradition of all classical Urdu poets, was born in the city of Agra, of parents with Turkish aristocratic ancestry, on December 27th, 1797. As to the precise date, Imtiyaz Ali Arshi has conjectured, on the basis of Ghalib's horoscope, that the poet might have been born a month later, in January 1798. When he was only five years old, his father, Abdullah Beg Khan died in a battle while working under Rao Raja Bakhtwar Singh of Alwar and his uncle Nasrullah Beg Khan took charge of him. But he lost his uncle also at the tender age of eight.
The death of his father and uncle during his early youth left Ghalib with no male-dominant figures. He then moved to Delhi.
Ghalib's early education has always been a matter of confusion. There are no known records of his formal education, although it was known that his circle of friends in Delhi had some of the most intelligent minds of the time.
Around 1810, he was married into a family of nobles, at the age of thirteen. He had seven children, none of whom survived (this pain has found its echo in some of Ghalib's ghazals). There are conflicting reports regarding his relationship with his wife. She was considered to be pious, conservative and God-fearing while Ghalib was carefree, unconventional, and arguably, not very religious in the strict sense of the word.
Ghalib never worked as such for a livelihood. He lived on either state patronage, credit or the generosity of his friends. His fame came to him posthumously. He had himself remarked during his lifetime that although his age had ignored his greatness, it would be recognized by later generations. History has vindicated his claim. He also is arguably the most "written about" of all Urdu poets.
Contemporaries and disciples:
Ghalib's closest rival was poet Zauq, tutor of Bahadur Shah Zafar II, the then emperor of India with his seat in Delhi. There are some amusing anecdotes of the competition between Ghalib and Zauq and exchange of jibes between them. However, there was mutual respect for each other's talent. Both also admired and acknowledged the supremacy of Meer Taqi Meer, a towering figure of 18th century Urdu Poetry. Another poet Momin, whose ghazals had a distinctly lyrical flavour, was also a famous contemporary of Ghalib. Ghalib was not only a poet, he was also a prolific prose writer. His letters are a reflection of the political and social climate of the time. They also refer to many contemporaries like Mir Mehdi Majrooh, who himself was a good poet and Ghalib's life-long acquaintance.
Ghalib's poetry: a photograph of Mirza GhalibAlthough Ghalib wrote in Persian as well, he is more famous for his ghazals written in Urdu. It is believed he wrote most of his popular ghazals by age nineteen. His ghazals, unlike those of Meer Taqi Meer, contain highly Persianised Urdu, and are therefore not easily understood or appreciated by a vast majority of people without some extra effort. Numerous elucidations of Ghalib's collection of ghazals have therefore, been written by Urdu scholars. The first such elucidation or Sharh was written by Ali Haider Nazm Tabatabai of Hyderabad during the rule of the last Nizam of Hyderabad. Before Ghalib, the ghazal was primarily an expression of anguished love; but Ghalib expressed philosophy, the travails and mysteries of life and wrote ghazals on many other subjects, vastly expanding the scope of the Ghazal. This, together with his many masterpieces, will forever remain his paramount contribution to Urdu Poetry and Literature.
In keeping with the conventions of the classical Ghazal, in most of Ghalib's verses, the identity and the gender of the beloved is indeterminate. The beloved could be a beautiful woman, or a beautiful boy, or even God. As the renowned critic/poet/writer Shamsur Rahman Faruqui explains, since the convention of having the "idea" of a lover or beloved instead of an actual lover/beloved, freed the poet-protagonist-lover from the demands of "realism", love poetry in Urdu from the last quarter of the seventeenth century onwards, consists mostly of "poems about love" and not "love poems" in the Western sense of the term. Ghalib's poetry is a fine illustration of this. Ghalib also excels in deeply introspective and philosophical verses.
The first complete English translation of Ghalib's love poems (ghazals) was written by Sarfaraz K. Niazi and published by Rupa & Co in India and Ferozsons in Pakistan. The title of this book is Love Sonnets of Ghalib and it contains complete roman transliteration, explication and an extensive lexicon.
His Letters:
Not only Urdu poetry but the prose is also indebted to Mirza Ghalib. His letters gave foundation to easy and popular Urdu. Before Ghalib, letter writing in Urdu was highly ornamental. He made his letters "talk" by using words and sentences as if he were conversing with the reader. According to him "sau kos se ba-zaban-e-qalam baatein kiya karo aur hijr mein visaal ke maze liya karo" [ from hundred of miles talk with the tongue of the pen and enjoy the joy of meeting even when you are separated] His letters were very informal, some times he would just write the name of the person and start the letter. He himself was very humorous and also made his letter very interesting. He said "main koshish karta hoon keh koi aisi baat likhoon jo parhay khoosh ho jaaye" [ I want to write the lines that whoever reads those should enjoy it] When the third wife of one of his friends died, he wrote... "Allah allah aik woh log hain jo teen teen dafah iss qaid say chhoot chu-kain hain aur aik hum hain keh aik ag-lay pachas baras
say jo phansi ka phanda ga-lay mein parha hai to nah phanda hi tut-ta hai nah dum hi nikalta hai" [Allah Allah, there are some among us who have been freed from this prison three times and I have for the past 50 years this rope around my neck; neither this rope breaks nor it takes my life] Some scholar says that Ghalib would have the same place in Urdu literature if only on the basis of his letters.They have been beautifully translated into English by Ralph Russell, The Oxford Ghalib.
His Takhallus:
His original Takhallus (pen-name) was Asad, drawn from his given name, Asadullah Khan. At some point early in his poetic career he also decided to adopt the takhallus 'Ghalib' (meaning all conquering, superior, most excellent).
Popular legend has it that he changed his nom de plume(pen name) to 'Ghalib' when he came across this sher (couplet) by another poet who used the takhallus(pen name) 'Asad':
Asad us jafaa par butoN say wafaa kimire sher shabaash rahmat Khudaa ki
Asad worshipped idols after being betrayed.my poems(thank you,)are, the mercy of GOD.
The legend says that upon hearing this couplet, Ghalib ruefully exclaimed, "whoever authored this couplet does indeed deserve the Lord's rahmat (mercy) (for having composed such a deplorable specimen of Urdu poetry). If I use the takhallus Asad, then surely (people will mistake this couplet to be mine and) there will be much la'anat (curse) on me!" And, saying so, he changed his takhallus to 'Ghalib'.
However, this legend is little more than a figment of the legend-creator's imagination. Extensive research performed by commentators and scholars of Ghalib's works, notably Imtiyaz Ali Arshi and Kalidas Gupta Raza, has succeeded in identifying the chronology of Ghalib's published work (sometimes down to the exact calendar day!). Although the takhallus 'Asad' appears more infrequently in Ghalib's work than 'Ghalib', it appears that he did use both his noms de plume interchangeably throughout his career and did not seem to prefer either one over the other.
Media: Film,TV serial and Plays based on Ghalib
Indian Cinema has paid a tribute to the legendary poet through a film (in sepia/black and white) named Mirza Ghalib (1954) in which Bharat Bhushan plays Ghalib and Suraiya plays his courtesan lover, Chaudvin. The musical score of the film was composed by Ghulam Mohammed and his compositions of Ghalib's famous ghazals are likely to remain everlasting favorites.
Pakistan Cinema has also paid tribute to the legendary poet through another film also named Mirza Ghalib. The film was directed by M.M. Billoo Mehra and produced as well by M.M. Billoo Mehra for S.K. Pictures. The music was composed by Tassaduq Hussain. The film starred Pakistan film superstar Sudhir playing Ghalib and Madam Noor Jehan playing his courtesan lover, Chaudvin. The film was released on November 24, 1961 and reached average status at the box-office, however, the music remains memorable in Pakistan to this day.
Gulzar produced a TV serial titled Mirza Ghalib. It was telecast on DD National and was quite well-accepted and liked by viewers. Naseeruddin Shah played Ghalib in the serial. The ghazals were sung by Jagjit Singh and Chitra singh.
The Pakistan government in 1969 commissioned Khaliq Ibrahim (died 2006) to make a documentary on Mirza Ghalib. The movie was completed in 1971-2, and is regarded as a masterpiece. It is said, that the movie--a docu-drama--was historically more correct than what the official Pakistan government point of view was. Thus, it was never released. Till this date, barring a few private viewing, the movie is lying with the Department of Films and Publication, Government of Pakistan. The movie was made on 16 mm format. Ghalib's role was played by actor Subhani Bayunus, who later played this role in many TV productions.
Various Theatre groups have staged various plays related to the life of Mirza Ghalib,have shown different life styles and the way he used to live his life.
Mirza Asadullah Beg Khan -- known to posterity as Ghalib, a `nom de plume' he adopted in the tradition of all classical Urdu poets, was born in the city of Agra, of parents with Turkish aristocratic ancestry, probably on December 27th, 1797. As to the precise date, Imtiyaz Ali Arshi has conjectured, on the basis of Ghalib's horoscope, that the poet might have been born a month later, in January 1798.
Both his father and uncle died while he was still young, and he spent a good part of his early boyhood with his mother's family. This, of course, began a psychology of ambivalences for him. On the one hand, he grew up relatively free of any oppressive dominance by adult, male-dominant figures. This, it seems to me, accounts for at least some of the independent spirit he showed from very early child- hood. On the other hand, this placed him in the humiliating situation of being socially and economically dependent on maternal grandparents, giving him, one can surmise, a sense that whatever worldly goods he received were a matter of charity and not legitimately his. His pre- occupation in later life with finding secure, legitimate, and comfortable means of livelihood can be perhaps at least partially understood in terms of this early uncertainty.
The question of Ghalib's early education has often confused Urdu scholars. Although any record of his formal education that might exist is extremely scanty, it is also true that Ghalib's circle of friends in Delhi included some of the most eminent minds of his time. There is, finally, irrevocably, the evidence of his writings, in verse as well as in prose, which are distinguished not only by creative excellence but also by the great knowledge of philosophy, ethics, theology, classical literature, grammar, and history that they reflect.
I think it is reasonable to believe that Mulla Abdussamad Harmuzd -- the man who was supposedly Ghalib's tutor, whom Ghalib mentions at times with great affection and respect, but whose very existence he denies -- was, in fact, a real person and an actual tutor of Ghalib when Ghalib was a young boy in Agra. Harmuzd was a Zoroastrian from Iran, converted to Islam, and a devoted scholar of literature, language, and religions. He lived in anonymity in Agra while tutoring Ghalib, among others.
In or around 1810, two events of great importance occurred in Ghalib's life: he was married to a well-to-do, educated family of nobles, and he left for Delhi. One must remember that Ghalib was only thirteen at the time. It is impossible to say when Ghalib started writing poetry. Perhaps it was as early as his seventh or eight years.
On the other hand, there is evidence that most of what we know as his complete works were substantially completed by 1816, when he was 19 years old, and six years after he first came to Delhi. We are obviously dealing with a man whose maturation was both early and rapid. We can safely conjecture that the migration from Agra, which had once been a capital but was now one of the many important but declining cities, to Delhi, its grandeur kept intact by the existence of the Moghul court, was an important event in the life of this thirteen year old, newly married poet who desperately needed material security, who was beginning to take his career in letters seriously, and who was soon to be recognized as a genius, if not by the court, at least some of his most important contemporaries. As for the marriage, in the predominantly male-oriented society of Muslim India no one could expect Ghalib to take that event terribly seriously, and he didn't. The period did, however mark the beginnings of concern with material ad
vancement that was to obsess him for the rest of his life.
In Delhi Ghalib lived a life of comfort, though he did not find immediate or great success. He wrote first in a style at once detached, obscure , and pedantic, but soon thereafter he adopted the fastidious, personal, complexly moral idiom which we now know as his mature style. It is astonishing that he should have gone from sheer precocity to the extremes of verbal ingenuity and obscurity, to a style which, next to Meer's, is the most important and comprehensive styles of the ghazal in the Urdu language before he was even twenty.
The course of his life from 1821 onward is easier to trace. His interest began to shift decisively away from Urdu poetry to Persian during the 1820's, and he soon abandoned writing in Urdu almost altogether, except whenever a new edition of his works was forthcoming and he was inclined to make changes, deletions, or additions to his already existing opus. This remained the pattern of his work until 1847, the year in which he gained direct access to the Moghul court. I think it is safe to say that throughout these years Ghalib was mainly occupied with the composition of the Persian verse, with the preparation of occasional editions of his Urdu works which remained essentially the same in content, and with various intricate and exhausting proceedings undertaken with a view to improving his financial situation, these last consisting mainly of petitions to patrons and government, including the British. Although very different in style and procedure, Ghalib's obsession with material means, and the accompanying
sense of personal insecurity which seems to threaten the very basis of selfhood, reminds one of Baudelaire. There is, through the years, the same self-absorption, the same overpowering sense of terror which comes from the necessities of one's own creativity and intelligence, the same illusion -- never really believed viscerally -- that if one could be released from need one could perhaps become a better artist. There is same flood of complaints, and finally the same triumph of a self which is at once morbid, elegant, highly creative, and almost doomed to realize the terms not only of its desperation but also its distinction.
Ghalib was never really a part of the court except in its very last years, and even then with ambivalence on both sides . There was no love lost between Ghalib himself and Zauq, the king's tutor in the writing of poetry; and if their mutual dislike was not often openly expressed, it was a matter of prudence only. There is reason to believe that Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Moghul king, and himself a poet of considerable merit, did not much care for Ghalib's style of poetry or life. There is also reason to believe that Ghalib not only regarded his own necessary subservient conduct in relation to the king as humiliating but he also considered the Moghul court as a redundant institution. Nor was he well-known for admiring the king's verses. However, after Zauq's death Ghalib did gain an appointment as the king's advisor on matters of versification. He was also appointed, by royal order, to write the official history of the Moghul dynasty, a project which was to be titled "Partavistan" and to fill two volumes. The one volume "Mehr-e-NeemRoz", which Ghalib completed is an indifferent work, and the second volume was never completed, supposedly because of the great disturbances caused by the Revolt of 1857 and the consequent termination of the Moghul rule. Possibly Ghalib's own lack of interest in the later Moghul kings had something to do with it.
The only favorable result of his connection with the court between 1847 and 1857 was that he resumed writing in Urdu with a frequency not experienced since the early 1820's. Many of these new poems are not panegyrics, or occasional verses to celebrate this or that. He did, however, write many ghazals which are of the same excellence and temper as his early great work. In fact, it is astonishing that a man who had more or less given up writing in Urdu thirty years before should, in a totally different time and circumstance, produce work that is, on the whole, neither worse nor better than his earlier work. One wonders just how many great poems were permanently lost to Urdu when Ghalib chose to turn to Persian instead.
In its material dimensions, Ghalib's life never really took root and remained always curiously unfinished. In a society where almost everybody seems to have a house of his own, Ghalib never had one and always rented one or accepted the use of one from a patron. He never had books of his own, usually reading borrowed ones. He had no children; the ones he had, died in infancy, and he later adopted the two children of Arif, his wife's nephew who died young in 1852.
Ghalib's one wish, perhaps as strong as the wish to be a great poet, that he should have a regular, secure income, never materialized. His brother Yusuf, went mad in 1826, and died, still mad, in that year of all misfortunes, 1857. His relations with his wife were, at best, tentative, obscure and indifferent. Given the social structure of mid-nineteenth-century Muslim India, it is, of course, inconceivable that *any* marriage could have even begun to satisfy the moral and intellectual intensities that Ghalib required from his relationships; given that social order, however, he could not conceive that his marriage could serve that function. And one has to confront the fact that the child never died who, deprived of the security of having a father in a male-oriented society, had had looked for material but also moral certainties -- not certitudes, but certainties, something that he can stake his life on. So, when reading his poetry it must be remembered that it is the poetry of more than usually vulnerableexistence.
It is difficult to say precisely what Ghalib's attitude was toward the British conquest of India. The evidence is not only contradictory but also incomplete. First of all, one has to realize that nationalism as we know it today was simply non-existent in nineteenth-century India. Second --one has to remember -- no matter how offensive it is to some -- that even prior to the British, India had a long history of invaders who created empires which were eventu- ally considered legitimate. The Moghuls themselves were such invaders. Given these two facts, it would be unreasonable to expect Ghalib to have a clear ideological response to the British invasion. There is also evidence, quite clearly deducible from his letters, that Ghalib was aware, on the one hand, of the redundancy, the intrigues, the sheer poverty of sophistication and intellectual potential, and the lack of humane responses from the Moghul court, and, on the other, of the powers of rationalism and scientific progress of the West.
Ghalib had many attitudes toward the British, most of them complicated and quite contradictory. His diary of 1857, the "Dast-Ambooh" is a pro-British document, criticizing the British here and there for excessively harsh rule but expressing, on the whole, horror at the tactics of the resistance forces. His letters, however, are some of the most graphic and vivid accounts of British violence that we possess. We also know that "Dast-Ambooh" was always meant to be a document that Ghalib would make public, not only to the Indian Press but specifically to the British authorities. And he even wanted to send a copy of it to Queen Victoria. His letters, are to the contr- ary, written to people he trusted very much, people who were his friends and would not divulge their contents to the British authorities. As Imtiyaz Ali Arshi has shown (at least to my satisfaction), whenever Ghalib feared the intimate, anti-British contents of his letters might not remain private, he requested their destruction, as he did in th case
of the Nawab of Rampur. I think it is reasonable to conjecture that the diary, the "Dast-Ambooh", is a document put together by a frightened man who was looking for avenues of safety and forging versions of his own experience in order to please his oppressors, whereas the letters, those private documents of one-to-one intimacy, are more real in the expression of what Ghalib was in fact feeling at the time. And what he was feeling, according to the letters, was horror at the wholesale violence practiced by the British.
Yet, matters are not so simple as that either. We cannot explain things away in terms of altogether honest letters and an altogether dishonest diary. Human and intellectual responses are more complex. The fact that Ghalib, like many other Indians at the time, admired British, and therefore Western, rationalism as expressed in constitutional law, city planning and more. His trip to Calcutta (1828-29) had done much to convince him of the immediate values of Western pragmatism. This immensely curious and human man from the narrow streets of a decaying Delhi, had suddenly been flung into the broad, well-planned avenues of 1828 Calcutta -- from the aging Moghul capital to the new, prosperous and clean capital of the rising British power, and , given the precociousness of his mind, he had not only walked on clean streets, but had also asked the fundamental questions about the sort of mind that planned that sort of city. In short, he was impressed by much that was British.
In Calcutta he saw cleanliness, good city planning, prosperity. He was fascinated by the quality of the Western mind which was rational and could conceive of constitutional government, republicanism, skepticism. The Western mind was attractive particularly to one who, although fully imbued with his feudal and Muslim background, was also attracted by wider intelligence like the one that Western scientific thought offered: good rationalism promised to be good government. The sense that this very rationalism, the very mind that had planned the first modern city in India, was also in the service of a brutal and brutalizing mercantile ethic which was to produce not a humane society but an empire, began to come to Ghalib only when the onslaught of 1857 caught up with the Delhi of his own friends. Whatever admiration he had ever felt for the British was seriously brought into question by the events of that year, more particularly by the mercilessness of the British in their dealings with those who participated in or
sympathized with the Revolt. This is no place to go into the details of the massacre; I will refer here only to the recent researches of Dr. Ashraf (Ashraf, K.M., "Ghalib & The Revolt of 1857", in Rebellion 1857, ed., P.C. Joshi, 1957), in India, which prove that at least 27,000 persons were hanged during the summer of that one year, and Ghalib witnessed it all. It was obviously impossible for him to reconcile this conduct with whatever humanity and progressive ideals he had ever expected the British to have possessed. His letters tell of his terrible dissatisfaction.
Ghalib's ambivalence toward the British possibly represents a characteristic dilemma of the Indian --- indeed, the Asian --people. Whereas they are fascinated by the liberalism of the Western mind and virtually seduced by the possibility that Western science and technology might be the answer to poverty and other problems of their material existence, they feel a very deep repugnance for forms and intensities of violence which are also peculiarly Western. Ghalib was probably not as fully aware of his dilemma as the intellectuals of today might be; to assign such awareness to a mid-nineteenth-century mind would be to violate it by denying the very terms -- which means limitations --, as well -- of its existence. His bewilderment at the extent of the
destruction caused by the very people of whose humanity he had been convinced can , however, be understood in terms of this basic ambivalence.
The years between 1857 and 1869 were neither happy nor very eventful ones for Ghalib. During the revolt itself, Ghalib remained pretty much confined to his house, undoubtedly frightened by the wholesale massacres in the city. Many of his friends were hanged, deprived of their fortunes, exiled from the city, or detained in jails. By October 1858, he had completed his diary of the Revolt, the "Dast-Ambooh", published it, and presented copies of it to the British authorities, mainly with the purpose of proving that he had not supported the insurrections. Although his life and immediate possessions were spared, little value was attached to his writings; he was flatly that he was still suspected of having had loyalties toward the Moghul king. During the ensuing years, his main source of income continued to be the stipend he got from the Nawab of Rampur. "Ud-i-Hindi", the first collection of his letters, was published in October 1868.
Death:He died in Delhi on February 15th, 1869.
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